Monday, June 22, 2015

Andhra-Telangana CMs' face-off: Centre steps in

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group
Exclusive Report

Centre steps in as CMs of AP-Telangana fight bitterly
Governor to set up SIT to probe Cash-for-Vote scam

Harish Gupta
New Delhi, June 21

The Modi government has decided to step in as the show down between the Chief Ministers  of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana is snowballing into a major crisis over the “Cash-for-vote-" scam.
The Centre has advised ESL Narasimhman who is the Governor of both the states, that he should invoke his special powers and directly take charge of investigations into the bribery and telephone tapping scandal that has rocked Hyderabad for the past several weeks.
Highly placed sources in the government say that a worried ESL Narasimhman rushed to New Delhi to meet the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi two weeks ago, was asked to consult Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley to resolve the developing crisis. Later, Attorney General of India Mukul Rohtagi advised the Governor to invoke Section 8 of The Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2014 which gives special powers to the Governor for “security of life, liberty and property of all those who reside in the common capital area” of Hyderabad. It may be mentioned that Hyderabad is the common Capital of the two states for ten years under the Act and the Governor is its Chief Administrator.  

The trouble began when the Anti-Corruption Bureau of Telangana Police arrested TDP legislator Revanth Reddy and two others in Hyderabad for allegedly trying to hand over bribe of Rs.50 lakh on May 31 to buy votes. The TDP-BJP alliance wanted that its candidate to win in the Telangana legislative council elections. The ACB tapped the telephones of Andhra Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu with the TDP MLA Stephenson which surfaced in the media surfaced on June 7 and all hell broke.

The Andhra Pradesh CID swung into action last week and lodged a criminal case against Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao.  

This is the first case of its kind wherein the police of two states have lodged cases against the Chief Ministers. The two Chief Ministers  do not see eye to eye and not even on talking terms. This is also first time in the recent history that the CM of one state has lodged a criminal case against the sitting CM of a neighbouring state sharing a common Capital.    

 The Centre has now told the Governor to form a Special Investigation and take over the probe of the case in the interest of peace and tranquility of the two states and Hyderabad.

Tuesday, June 16, 2015

THE TRIDENT & Modi

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group


The next general election is not happening before 2019 but it seems some opposition leaders can’t wait to bang the war drum. In other words, they have been thinking that the 2014 mandate in favour of Narendra Modi and the BJP got screwed up for one reason or the other, and that it must be rectified now. The challengers to Modi’s election are three in number, call it a trinity, if you like, but each of them thinks that it is he who deserved to get the job in 2019.

Tuesday, June 9, 2015

The Permanent Hawk

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Alan Greenspan, former US Federal Reserve chief and the man often regarded as the inspiration behind the binge lending by banks resulting in the post-2008 global economic meltdown, however, had a remarkably modest idea about his job, particularly his policy pronouncements at regular intervals that had repercussions worldwide. He said, “what I have learnt at Federal Reserve is a new language which is called ‘Fed-speak’. You soon learn to mumble with great incoherence”.

RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan, as a central banker, is what is known in banking parlance as hawkish and his disposition therefore is quite the opposite of Greenspan. But he seems to have acquired the Indian variant of Fed-speak with much éclat. Earlier this month, he cut repo rate by 0.25 per cent, or 25 basis points, seemingly against his wishes. It is bad if he hadn’t approved of it, for that exposes the pliability of someone entrusted with the institution which is custodian of the value of the national currency. It is equally bad if he was not altogether opposed to a small rate cut, the third in 2015, even though he kept “mumbling” about the inflationary clouds on the horizon, careful, perhaps, that his hawk image does not get dented.

That his words do not square with his actions is obvious. He harbours doubts about the authenticity of the new methods employed by the Central Statistical Office to measure growth. His misgivings are tell-tale in the following post-policy observation by him: “Even with 7.5 per cent growth numbers, there is some discussion on how much of it includes special factors, including excise taxes and subsidies. When you subtract that, growth does not look as strong as before”. It is undoubtedly a matter of concern if the headline growth numbers have resulted from some creative computing.

India cannot afford to have a 
central banker who refuses to 
change his stance and lives in the past glory.

It is impossible to figure out why the RBI governor is increasingly putting himself in an adversarial role with the Central government publicly even though he couches his feelings in velvety words. “If I cut interest rates, it means I want to please the government. If I don’t cut interest rates, it is because I want to have a fight with the government. Why can’t you make up your mind?” he shot back at a questionnaire during his press meet. But his inner turmoil finds expression in a remark laced with sarcasm—“RBI is not a cheerleader. There are other people in the country who can play that role. Our job is to give people confidence in the value of the rupee, in prospects of inflation, and having established that confidence, create the longer-term framework for good decisions to be made”.

The top inflation manager of the country is evidently not in agreement with a single of the government’s future projections. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has denied that there is any official prediction yet of a sub-normal monsoon. But Rajan is not convinced. Instead he has made his view on the subject profoundly enigmatic: “As you know there have been El Ninos in the past with reasonable rainfall. Poor rainfall has not (necessarily) led to a fall in production...” What is he saying? It confounds confusion. Returning to the issue of his perceptible doubt about growth, he wonders why we think the economy “needs great cuts” when it is growing at 7.5 per cent. It is a replay of his pet theme so far that left to himself he would possibly have not agreed on the cut. But he still keeps the escape hatch open. “In some sense it (recent rate cut) is a Goldilocks policy, just right given the current situation”.

Economics, as we know, is a bit like physics before Newton, with very few certainties, least of all outcomes that are universally applicable. Much of the economic expectations are shaped by collective hopes and fears of buyers and sellers, which in their turn are shaped by the central banker’s words. They are certainly not the Fed-speak Greenspan fancied them to be but are the rational fulcrum on which people’s expectations rest. It seems Rajan has taken Greenspan’s words seriously.

Ideally he should not. In fact he shot to stratospheric fame himself in 2005 when he presented, at a function celebrating Greenspan on the eve of the Fed chief’s retirement, that the recent financial developments had made the world riskier and “disaster might loom”. Sure it did, though celebrated economists of the day, including former US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers, had called his warnings “misguided”. The banking sector crisis in 2008 earned Rajan his reputation as doomsayer and is possibly the reason behind his familiar hawkish postures, now as RBI governor but even earlier as Chief Economic Advisor to the Union Government.

Of course the image he has acquired of being robustly risk-averse should help him in his future career, be it at home or abroad. With demographic changes in the rich world, and little restructuring in its most conservative part, notably southern Europe, it is likely that global economy in the near to mid-term future will need hard taskmasters like Rajan. But that does not necessarily mean that he should treat India as the laboratory for his views in the “austerity Vs stimulus” debate.

Rajan’s attitude gains added poignancy as Prime Minister Narendra Modi is currently leading the country through a series of structural reforms, be it in targeting subsidy and moving towards uniform indirect tax rates, the results of which can be visible only if there is no shortage of capital along the way. It may call for spending on, say, infrastructure being front-loaded, much as it happened in China of the 90’s. If, by a miracle, Rajan were China’s central banker at that time and could give its communist party his thumbs-down, maybe there would have been no rise of China to talk about. Nobody has doubted Rajan’s intellectual prowess, and his uncanny ability to smell risk, but India cannot afford to have a central banker who refuses to change his stance. Nor can Modi move ahead with reforms if capital remains sticky.
(The author is National Editor, Lokmat group)

Tuesday, June 2, 2015

The Ali Baba Story

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group


On completion of Indian Prime Minister Narandra Modi’s first year in office, an influential foreign magazine described him as a “one-man band”. From outside, India under Modi indeed looks like a one-man show. But the ordinary Indian who spends his or her life in today’s India will understand the growing disconnect between the Centre under Modi and the states, where authoritarian figures are emerging to run their territories like fief. The democratic principles that bind the country are at their weakest in the states, where a slew of despotic leaders have interpreted Modi’s pet phrase, “cooperative federalism”, to their own liking. To them, it means the licence to loot and plunder, and behave like tin-pot dictator, all as a trade-off against remaining nice to Modi on some of his pet national and international issues.

Monday, June 1, 2015

Modi proposes, yoga ministry disposes

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Special Report

• AYUSH has set a new record in non-performance in this area. 
• Rs. 203 crores was allocated to ministry, but it spent Rs. 222 crores. 

New Delhi May 31, 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have carved out a separate ministry of AYUSH to promote ayurveda, yoga etc. last year on May 26 when his Cabinet was sworn in. He also ensured that June 21 is observed as International Yoga Day bringing a feather in the cap to promote yoga globally. 

The Modi government launched media blitzkrieg listing its achievements during the past one year for the past 10 days. However, shocking details have surfaced about the performance of his pet ministry of AYUSH.

AYUSH has rather set a new record in non-performance during the one year of Modi government. It has not emerged that the AYUSH did not spend more than 48% of funds allocated to it during the financial year of 2014-15. Of the ` 1272 crores allocated to AYUSH during the 2014-15, the ministry returned to the finance ministry as much as ` 607 crores under the head "Amount Unutilised". 

The unspent amount of 48% which was returned is a record of sort by any ministry under the Modi dispensation. Surprisingly, it happened when Modi picked up party veteran and his trusted man Shripad Nayak to head the ministry as minister of state with independent charge. Before Modi took over, AYUSH was merely a department under the ministry of health & family welfare. Nayak is also holding the post of minister of state in the ministry of health. 

According to figures available with Lokmat reveal that AYUSH failed to utilise the entire amount of ` 607 crores meant for research and plan expenditure. But the ministry overshot its expenditure when it comes to non-plan areas during 2014-15. The ministry was allocated ` 203 crores for non-plan expenditure. But it spent ` 222 crores. However, when it comes to plan expenditure, the ministry failed to utilise as much as 48% funds.

Prime Minister Modi may be laying emphasis on innovation & research of tradition Indian systems. But the AYUSH has set a new record in non-performance in this area. If the amount sanctioned during 2014-15 for research projects was ` 224.20 crores, as much as ` 98.53 crores remained unutilised. 

When AYUSH functioned as a department under the ministry of health during the UPA regime, it was allocated ` 189 crores in 2012-13 and ` 237 crores during 2013-14. But the department utilised ` 180 crores and ` 217 crores during the two financial years.