by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

The Importance of Being Sergio Gor

For much of 2025, India found itself in the uncomfortable position of being both a strategic partner of the United States and a frequent target of public criticism from Washington. Whether it was India's purchase of Russian oil, trade imbalances, or tariff disputes, sharp comments from senior American officials—including President Donald Trump—had become almost routine.

Then came Sergio Gor. Long before he formally assumed office as the US Ambassador to India in January 2026, Gor had already signaled his importance. In a highly unusual move, he called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi in October 2025, months before presenting his credentials. The meeting was viewed in diplomatic circles as a clear indication that Gor enjoyed extraordinary access to the highest levels of the Trump administration.

Since his arrival, the tone of India-US engagement has undergone a noticeable shift. Public criticism of India from Washington has largely disappeared, replaced by a renewed emphasis on cooperation in trade, technology, defence and strategic affairs. Diplomats and observers alike credit Gor's unique standing within the White House for helping smooth several irritants that had clouded bilateral ties.

The ambassador has also emerged as one of the most visible American envoys in recent memory. Unlike many diplomats who operate quietly behind closed doors, Gor has maintained a high public profile through frequent media interactions and extensive travel across India. His outreach has extended well beyond New Delhi, encompassing meetings with regional leaders, business groups and civil society.

Attention is now focused on the next big question in the relationship: who visits whom first? While US Secretary of State Marco Rubio conveyed President Trump's invitation to Modi for a White House visit, New Delhi has remained non-committal. Many in diplomatic circles argue that protocol favours Trump visiting India first, possibly for the forthcoming Quad Leaders' Summit. As that debate unfolds, one thing is increasingly clear: in the current phase of India-US relations, the importance of being Mr. Gor cannot be overstated.

Who Should Educate Whom?

Few ministries have generated as much controversy under the Modi government as the Education Ministry. From Smriti Irani and Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank to the current incumbent, Dharmendra Pradhan, almost every Education Minister has found himself or herself under scrutiny over examination management, policy implementation, budgetary priorities, and reform delivery. Former minister Prakash Javadekar remains one of the few exceptions who largely escaped any major controversy.

The latest storm has erupted over the Centre's proposal to deploy the Indian Air Force (IAF) to transport question papers for the NEET-UG retest scheduled on June 21. What was intended as a confidence-building measure has instead triggered sharp criticism from opposition parties, education experts, and others. Critics argue that involving the IAF exposes the depth of the crisis rather than demonstrating administrative efficiency. They contend that the government is resorting to military logistics because it has failed to fix the systemic vulnerabilities within the National Testing Agency (NTA) forcing the cancellation of the May 3 test.

Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan himself acknowledged institutional lapses while confirming that the government was considering airlifting question papers directly from printing presses to secure centres across the country.

The move has reignited a larger debate: should one of the country's most trusted military institutions be pressed into service to compensate for shortcomings in a civilian examination system? Critics say the IAF's primary responsibility is safeguarding national security and the nation's borders—not rescuing an examination process repeatedly hit by allegations of leaks and mismanagement.

As the controversy grows, many are asking a pointed question: instead of deploying fighter-force precision, shouldn't the government first focus on repairing the credibility of the institutions?

Uncertainty Looms Over Lutyens’ Delhi Clubs

The Centre’s decision to reclaim the sprawling 27.3-acre Delhi Gymkhana Club may have got some temporary reprieve. But it has sent ripples across other such clubs located in the heart of Lutyens’ Delhi. With the government aggressively pushing ahead with its larger redevelopment vision, attention has now shifted to other clubs occupying prime public land. Among those under the scanner are the Delhi Golf Club, Press Club of India, Indian Women’s Press Corps and the Chelmsford Club on Raisina Road.

Both the Press Club of India and the Indian Women’s Press Corps have, in the past, received notices to vacate government-allotted premises. However, legal interventions, administrative delays and institutional push back helped them retain possession. With the Centre moving decisively on long-pending urban redevelopment projects, concerns are resurfacing. The redevelopment of the Central Vista construction plan is in full swing with the new Parliament building in place and the transformation of Kartavya Path underway. The latest move against Delhi Gymkhana Club is not an isolated action but part of a much larger reshaping of new power spaces in the capital. For many elite clubs in Lutyens’ Delhi, the message is unmistakable: old privileges may no longer be untouchable.

Congress' RS Puzzle in Madhya Pradesh

The race for the lone Rajya Sabha seat for Congress in Madhya Pradesh is turning out to be intriguing, with senior leader Digvijaya Singh opting out of the race. Singh has served two consecutive Rajya Sabha terms. Instead, Singh desired that the seat be given to a Dalit leader.

In politics, very few leaders are willingly stepping aside from the cozy club. But by doing so, Digvijaya Singh may actually have strengthened his influence over the selection of the incumbent. Insiders say that he has effectively blocked the prospects of former Chief Minister Kamal Nath or his son Nakul Nath who had lost the family stronghold of Chhindwara in the last Lok Sabha election.

Meanwhile, a new social-equity narrative is also emerging within the Congress. Political insiders believe the suggestion to nominate a Dalit leader for the seat will help the party in the Assembly polls and enhance the stature of Singh.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Amit Shah: Bengal Blitz to Mission Punjab

After scripting a historic breakthrough in West Bengal — long seen as one of the BJP’s toughest political frontiers — Union Home Minister Amit Shah is now believed to be turning his full attention towards Punjab. Within the BJP, there is growing buzz that Shah may personally oversee the party’s campaign and organisational strategy in the border state ahead of next year’s Assembly elections. Though Sunil Bansal was formally entrusted with handling West Bengal, party insiders acknowledge that Amit Shah himself played the central role in steering the campaign. Shah reportedly camped nearly a fortnight in the state during the elections, closely monitoring booth-level management and political outreach. The BJP leadership now appears keen to replicate a similar high-intensity model in Punjab.

While Assembly elections are also due in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur, the BJP already heads governments in these states. Punjab, however, presents a different political challenge. For decades, the BJP largely played second fiddle to its former ally, the Shiromani Akali Dal. The party is now determined to emerge as an independent pole of politics in the state. The first major signal came a couple of years ago with the appointment of senior former Congress leader Sunil Jakhar as the BJP’s Punjab chief. Since then, several prominent leaders from the Congress and other parties, including former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh and Ravneet Singh Bittu have either joined or aligned with the BJP. Bittu was later inducted into the Union Ministry. 

The BJP’s aggressive expansion strategy is now in full swing with defections of seven Rajya Sabha Mps from the Aam Aadmi Party. The “Open arm” policy will be visible from the AAP, Congress and the Akali Dal as the Assembly polls draw closer. 

In Search of a Punjab Face

As the BJP sharpens its strategy for the high-stakes Punjab Assembly elections, intense speculation is underway over whether the party will project a Chief Ministerial face or fight under the towering shadow of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

For decades, the BJP was perceived in Punjab largely as an urban, non-Sikh Hindu party and remained dependent on its ally, the SAD. But party leaders believe the political landscape has changed significantly. Over the years, the BJP has quietly expanded its social base, bringing into its fold influential Sikh leaders, Dalit faces, Jat Sikh representatives and leaders from multiple caste groups.

The latest buzz centres around senior advocate and noted human rights activist H. S. Phoolka, whose entry into the BJP after his stint with the AAP has fueled speculation that he could emerge as a prominent face for the party in Punjab. However, BJP insiders insist the party is unlikely to officially declare any Chief Ministerial candidate. Instead, the elections are expected to be fought largely around Modi’s leadership, governance plank and national appeal, with the Prime Minister remaining the BJP’s undisputed face in Punjab.

Where Losing Can Be Rewarding

Amritsar may well be India’s most politically “charitable” Lok Sabha constituency — a place where electoral defeat does not necessarily end careers, but often elevates them. In a political system usually unforgiving to losers, this high-profile Punjab seat has quietly earned a reputation for producing remarkably well-rewarded candidates. It was in 2014 when senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley lost the Amritsar contest but soon emerged as one of the most powerful ministers in Modi’s Cabinet. The pattern repeated itself in 2019 when former diplomat Hardeep Singh Puri was quickly elevated within the Union government and remains a key minister in the Modi Cabinet after losing Lok Sabha polls.

The tradition continued with former ambassador Taranjit Singh Sandhu. After his defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Amritsar, Sandhu has now been appointed Lieutenant Governor of Delhi, further cementing the constituency’s unusual political folklore. In most constituencies, defeat is seen as a setback, sometimes even political exile. But in Amritsar, losing seems less like a rejection and more like a stepping stone to higher office. In this “holy city,” political setbacks often come wrapped in unexpected rewards.

India Bloc in Limbo

With the Congress abandoning its long time ally, the DMK in Tamil Nadu and joining hands with the TVK, the future of the INDIA Bloc seems to be in limbo. The JMM is also upset with the Congress in Jharkhand. Mamata Banerjee who was contemplating to emerge as a rallying point of the Opposition in the country with the help of Akhilesh Yadav (SP) and Arvind Kejriwal (AAP) in toe, suffered a serious setback after her rout in West Bengal. Kejriwal is on the back foot after loss in Delhi and the Mann government in Punjab is also facing a serious threat to its survival. 

Yet, Mamata added more confusion by giving a call for a meeting of the INDIA bloc in June. It is not clear where the meeting will be held- in Kolkata or Delhi. It is also not clear whether she had done so in consultation with the Congress or otherwise. Although Rahul Gandhi had publicly supported Mamata Banerjee after her defeat by asking party men not to criticize her. But many INDIA bloc parties are miffed with Congress and the gulf is widening. Therefore, Mamata Banerjee's move may be one of the ways to retain the unity of the INDIA Bloc and Congress may have taken a step back. But this damage control is unlikely to help the Opposition as Rahul Gandhi continues to play solo.

Tailpiece: A Hush Hush meet

A hush-hush meeting between UP's powerful bureaucrat Sanjay Prasad and BJP National President Nitin Nabin has set off a fresh round of speculation in Delhi power circles. Prasad, a 1995-batch IAS officer, is handling CM Yogi's Office, Home, Information and Vigilance.

What added to the intrigue was that a photograph of the meeting briefly appeared on Nabin’s official social media handles before disappearing the next day. While those close to Prasad have sought to play down the episode as nothing more than a “courtesy call,” a few appear convinced. Both Prasad and Nabin hail from Bihar. It is said that Prasad may be keen to take a political plunge.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

A majority in Rajya Sabha for BJP  far away

No significant gain in current round of biennial polls 

Harish Gupta 

The BJP is unlikely to improve its tally significantly in the current round of biennial polls for 24 Rajya Sabha seats. Of the 24 seats, the BJP's 12 Mps are retiring and the party will be able to win 12 seats. If it loses one seat in Karnataka, it will gain one in Gujarat. The BJP may ask TDP to give one RS seat which may be a bonus. The BJP's current strength in Rajya Sabha is 113 and it needs 122 seats to gain a majority as the house strength is 243.

The BJP may gain a majority in Rajya Sabha on its own in 2028 as there are 12 seats (UP and Uttarakhand)  that will go to polls this year and four Rajya Sabha seats in 2027- Kerala (3) and Puducherry (1). The BJP will have to break the Opposition ranks once again like a split in the AAP when 7 out of 10 MPs quit to join the BJP. The NDA's current strength is 144 which will go up to 147.

In the two by-polls, the NDA will retain one in Maharashtra but lose another in Tamil Nadu. The NCP will retain its  seat but C V Shanmugam (AIADMK) seat will now go to TVK.

The Congress will lose one seat in Gujarat as Shakti Singh Gohil can't win due to lack of numbers. But the party will win one extra seat in karnataka. Therefore, if its four Mps are retiring, the same number will return from Karnataka (2), Madhya Pradesh (1) and Rajasthan (1).  

The Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge is set to be renominated by the party. Ashok Gehlot and Digvijay Singh are also eyeing Rajya Sabha ticket in Rajasthan and  Madhya Pradesh  respectively. The Congress has 29 members and its strength is likely to remain so.

These 24 seats include four each in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, three each in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, two in Jharkhand, one each in Manipur, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

From Meme Maker to ‘Cockroach King’

The Meteoric Rise of Abhijeet Dipke from Pune to Boston

Harish Gupta

From an obscure meme-maker to the face of India’s latest online political storm, 30-year-old Abhijeet Dipke from Pune has suddenly become the internet’s newest disruptor.

The founder of the satirical “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP) launched the digital outfit on May 16 after Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s “cockroaches” remark about unemployed youth triggered outrage online. Though he later clarified his remarks, the damage was done.

What started as political satire exploded into a viral movement within hours. Today, the CJP boasts more than 19 million Instagram followers — reportedly overtaking every mainstream political party in India on social media. Before facing legal restrictions in India, its X account too had crossed 200,000 followers.

Dipke, a journalism graduate from Pune and currently a public relations student at Boston University, previously worked with the Aam Aadmi Party’s social media team and helped design meme-based campaigns during the 2020 Delhi elections.

Blending humour with anger over unemployment, paper leaks and political alienation, the CJP has struck a chord with India’s restless Gen Z, turning the humble cockroach into an unlikely symbol of resistance.

What he imagined as political satire has evolved into a strange but potent expression of Gen Z frustration. The CJP calls itself “the voice of the lazy and unemployed”, mixing dark humour with sharp political messaging on unemployment, inequality, media control and political alienation.

Critics dismiss it as choreographed digital theatre with opposition links. Yet supporters see something deeper: a generation exhausted by politics but desperate to be heard.

India may not be witnessing street revolutions like Sri Lanka or Bangladesh or Nepal, but simmering anxieties over jobs, rising costs and shrinking opportunities are unmistakable. The cockroach — resilient, unwanted and impossible to eliminate — has unexpectedly become the perfect symbol of that frustration.

In an era where politics increasingly resembles performance, India’s latest anti-establishment mascot suddenly feels oddly believable. What next? No one is sure. 

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

How to Make Rs 2  lakh cr. Bullet Train Project Viable!

The government’s flagship high-speed rail dream is inching forward, but a big question refuses to go away: how to make the bullet train financially viable. The ambitious Mumbai–Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail Corridor — India’s first attempt at a 320 kmph rail network — was once projected to cost about ₹90,000 crore. Today, estimates suggest the bill could touch nearly ₹2 lakh crore, turning what was envisioned as a technological leap into a serious financial puzzle.

Delays in land acquisition, the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, and rising construction costs have all pushed up the price of the 508-km corridor linking Mumbai and Ahmedabad. A major chunk of the original funding came from the Japan International Cooperation Agency, which agreed to finance about 81% of the initial project cost through a long-term soft loan. However, Tokyo has made it clear that it will not fund cost overruns, leaving New Delhi to absorb the ballooning expense.

That has triggered intense internal discussions within the government on how to make the project economically sustainable. Critics in the opposition have already begun branding it a potential “white elephant,” arguing that ticket prices may end up being beyond the reach of ordinary passengers. Supporters counter that the debate is premature. The corridor is expected to run about 35 trains daily and eventually carry nearly 1.6 crore passengers annually, dramatically cutting travel time between the two major commercial hubs.

The first operational stretch between Surat and Bilimora is expected to see a trial run in August 2027. But the stakes go beyond just one project. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken of expanding bullet train corridors across the country. The immediate challenge before policymakers is clear: if India’s first bullet train struggles to prove viable, how will others ever take off?  A core group is breaking its head over how to make the Bullet train journey viable.

The wait gets longer

Nitin Nabin took over as BJP chief on January 20, 2026 and travelled extensively across more than a dozen states and campaigned actively during the Assembly polls as well. But his wait gets longer and longer to get his team even five months after he took over. It is also clear that he will continue in office until the next Lok Sabha elections as his three year term ends in January 2029.

One of the reasons for delay is largely because the new team has to reflect a balance between continuity and generational change. The leadership is considering introducing an informal upper age limit of 60 years bracket for organisational office-bearers to promote younger faces within the party structure. Among those likely to retain influential positions are Sunil Bansal and Vinod Tawde, both currently general secretaries. B. L. Santosh is also expected to continue for some more time as organisation general secretary.

The name of Ram Madhav was doing the rounds earlier. But no one is sure about his role. There are indications that party general secretaries such as Radha Mohan Das Agrawal, Tarun Chugh, Dushyant Gautam and Arun Singh may get other responsibilities. But all this has been in limbo and Nitin Nabin is keeping his fingers crossed.

Yogi Convoy Raises Eyebrows

Political circles were left intrigued over how Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath appeared to sidestep Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s repeated emphasis on austerity and minimalism in public life. During his recent visit to Delhi, Yogi was seen moving with a cavalcade of more than a dozen vehicles, prompting murmurs even within political corridors.

There is little dispute that the UP Chief Minister faces serious security threats from extremist elements and is entitled to Z-plus category protection. Security agencies, officials insist, determine the scale of such arrangements. Yet, comparisons inevitably surfaced because the Prime Minister himself is often seen traveling in the Capital with a far leaner convoy.

The optics, therefore, became difficult to ignore. In a political climate where symbolism matters as much as substance, critics and even some admirers wondered whether the message of restraint could have been better reflected on the road as well. For many observers, it was less about security protocol and more about political messaging.

Keeping out of public glare

Even as the Indian economy navigates a difficult phase marked by stubborn inflation, pressure on the rupee and slowing consumption, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has noticeably withdrawn from the public spotlight. Unlike many of her predecessors who preferred aggressive public messaging during economic turbulence, Sitharaman has chosen silence and caution.

Critics argue that her political standing and public approval have come under increasing scrutiny in recent months. Rising prices, stress among small businesses and concerns over weakening household savings have provided the Opposition enough ammunition to target the Finance Ministry.

Yet, her supporters insist that the broader macroeconomic picture remains stable compared to many global economies battling similar headwinds. They point to India’s growth trajectory, strong tax collections, infrastructure push and fiscal discipline remain on a relatively firm footing despite global uncertainty. Sitharaman, however, has never been a politician known for grandstanding. Having held the finance portfolio for nearly eight years — a rare feat in itself — she has developed a reputation for speaking only when necessary and avoiding needless controversies. Unlike several senior ministers, she rarely courts media attention, grants very few interviews outside the Union Budget period and prefers institutional communication over personal projection.

Sources in government circles say the Prime Minister’s Office closely monitors economic messaging, leaving Sitharaman comfortable with allowing “South Block to do the talking.” Now, as economic anxieties deepen, the Finance Minister appears to have retreated even further into a carefully guarded shell.