by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Unprecedented Exits: A Bureaucratic Mystery Deepens

Delhi's bureaucracy has witnessed transfers, reshuffles and even dramatic exits. But what happened in the Union Environment Ministry recently has left even the oldest hands in government baffled. Four members of Union Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav's personal staff were removed within two days without any official explanation. Among retired and serving bureaucrats, many say they cannot remember another instance in Independent India when an entire ministerial personal establishment was dismantled overnight—except in cases involving espionage or serious national security breaches.

That is what makes the episode so intriguing. Private Secretary Amar Singh, a 2010-batch IRS officer regarded as one of Yadav's closest associates, was repatriated to the Revenue Department and awaiting a new posting. Shailesh Kumar Singh of the Central Secretariat Service was sent back to the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) facing a cooling-off period. Additional Private Secretary Ayush Saran and Assistant Private Secretary Siddharth Yadav were sacked with immediate effect.

The government has maintained complete silence over the reasons behind the action. Social media has churned out theories ranging from internal rivalries to larger administrative changes. Yet one fact stands out. Had the removals been linked to corruption or misconduct, disciplinary or vigilance proceedings would ordinarily have followed. Instead, two officers have quietly returned to their parent cadres while the services of the other two have simply ended.

Insiders say that there is something far more sensitive and deeper and a stone wall has been created around the Paryavaran Bhawan. The speculation is that the action has been taken at the instance of the PMO. Since all ministerial appointments pass through the PMO —from the peon to the PS, the removal also has to be cleared by the PMO. Remember reports way back in 2014 saying how Modi's PMO is keeping hawks' eyes on all such appointments. But sacking all personal staff of a Cabinet Minister is considered a sign of governance failure in the ministry. For now, the government isn't talking. But silence often speaks louder than an official statement. The malice has to be far deeper than envisaged.

Now Battle Over Lawrence Bishnoi

The FBI's latest crackdown on organised crime operating across the US, Canada and Europe has thrown up an intriguing problem for India. Reason: The US will seek high-profile gangster Lawrence Bishnoi extradition which may become the next battle between India and the United States.

Bishnoi, currently lodged in the high-security Sabarmati Central Jail in Ahmedabad, has been behind bars since his arrest in Punjab in 2015. He faces over 20 criminal cases spanning Punjab, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Gujarat. The FBI indictment alleges that parts of his criminal enterprise extended into American jurisdiction.

Legally, the path exists. India and the US have operated under the 1997 Extradition Treaty for nearly three decades. The US has extradited 11 fugitives to India, while India has handed over more than a dozen to American authorities.

Recently, Nikhil Gupta of India was extradited from the Czech Republic to the US in 2024 over an alleged plot to assassinate Sikh separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun. In return, the US extradited Tahawwur Rana to India in April 2025 to face trial in the 26/11 Mumbai terror case. However, the key conspirator David Headley was never extradited after pleading guilty in a US court. Instead, he testified via video link before an Indian court.

Bishnoi's case, however, is more complicated. Unlike Gupta or Rana, he is already in Indian custody. Under the treaty, India could extradite him immediately, prosecute him first and defer surrender, or simply cooperate with US investigators by sharing evidence while retaining his custody. The legal framework is clear. The political and prosecutorial decision is not. Washington will formally seek Bishnoi's extradition—and New Delhi will have a problem in hand as Bishnoi is considered a key to many things. But this case could become one of the most closely watched cross-border criminal law cases in recent years.

Rahul, Modi Read From the Same Script!

In Delhi's bitter political battlefield, Rahul Gandhi and Prime Minister Narendra Modi rarely agree on anything. But the alleged theft of devotees' offerings at the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple in Ayodhya has produced an unlikely convergence—both have chosen silence.

The issue has erupted into a full-blown political controversy. Uttar Pradesh Congress chief Ajay Rai led protests in Ayodhya and was briefly detained, while the Samajwadi Party has seized the opportunity to target the Yogi Adityanath government.

Yet Rahul Gandhi has remained conspicuously absent from the debate. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, too, has stayed silent. Congress leaders privately admit the caution is calculated. Any comment, they believe, could revive uncomfortable questions about Rahul's decision not to visit the Ram Temple and reopen old wounds over the Congress government's Ram Setu affidavit.

The silence at the top of the BJP is equally intriguing. Despite the political heat, Prime Minister Modi has remained silent. The official line has been limited to saying that the Special Investigation Team is investigating the matter.

For now, both parties appear to have concluded that speaking carries greater political risk than staying silent. In the high-stakes politics of Ayodhya, silence itself has become a carefully crafted message.

There is another explanation also. The BJP insiders say the silence is actually a well-thought-out strategy to keep Yogi Adityanath in the spotlight. Yogi is taking care of FIRs, arrests and responses.

Finance Ministry Without Finance Secretary for a Year

One of the government's most powerful ministries has been functioning without a full-fledged Finance Secretary for more than a year. Since the retirement of Tuhin Kanta Pandey on June 30, 2025, the Finance Ministry has not appointed a successor to the post. The ministry continues to be run by its six departmental secretaries handling revenue, expenditure, economic affairs, financial services, DIPAM and public enterprises.

Traditionally, the senior-most among these secretaries is designated the Finance Secretary—a convention followed by successive governments. The Modi government, however, appears to have quietly broken with that practice, without offering any explanation.

Although the absence of a Finance Secretary has not disrupted the ministry's day-to-day functioning, the prolonged vacancy has surprised many within the bureaucracy. The year-long vacancy has now become a subject of quiet discussion in bureaucratic circles, raising questions over whether the government intends to revive the convention—or dispense with the post's traditional role altogether.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

BJP CMs Under the Glare

Even as Prime Minister Narendra Modi finalises the contours of his impending Cabinet reshuffle, whispers in the corridors of power suggest that changes may not be confined to Delhi alone. Leadership changes in a few BJP-ruled states are also being actively discussed.

A couple of chief ministers are facing allegations ranging from corruption to administrative inefficiency. In Uttarakhand, the Ankita Bhandari murder case continues to cast a long shadow over the government. In Arunachal Pradesh, Chief Minister Pema Khandu has come under scrutiny after the Supreme Court ordered a CBI probe in a case linked to him. Another BJP chief minister from a key northern state, who was elevated unexpectedly, is also facing criticism over allegations of favouritism and poor governance.

Interestingly, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has himself expressed a desire to play a role in national politics. Another senior BJP chief minister had remarked that he wished to serve one final term before accepting any assignment the party entrusted to him.

The BJP's record under Modi shows that no chief minister is indispensable. Since 2014, the party's central leadership has replaced at least 11 BJP chief ministers. B. S. Yediyurappa in Karnataka, Vijay Rupani in Gujarat and Biplab Kumar Deb in Tripura all stepped down before completing their terms.

Uttarakhand witnessed perhaps the most dramatic churn. Trivendra Singh Rawat was replaced by Tirath Singh Rawat in March 2021, who himself resigned within four months, paving the way for Pushkar Singh Dhami. Even Dhami is now under political scrutiny.

After the BJP's emphatic victory in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Shivraj Singh Chouhan was replaced by Mohan Yadav, who is now battling controversies of his own. Manohar Lal Khattar resigned as Haryana chief minister in March 2024 to make way for Nayab Singh Saini before moving to the Union Cabinet. Earlier, Sarbananda Sonowal made a similar transition from Assam to the Centre, while Anandiben Patel and Raghubar Das were accommodated as governors.

As Modi 3.0 settles in, the message from the BJP remains unchanged: performance, perception and political utility—not tenure—determine longevity in office.

Who gets on Board: Fadnavis or Yogi?

With Nitin Nabin taking over as BJP president, the 12-member Parliamentary Board, highest decision-making body though on paper as many say, may also be reconstituted. Besides BJP president Nitin Nabin, PM Modi, past presidents Rajnath Singh, Amit Shah and J.P. Nadda are its members besides B L Santosh, general secretary (Organisation). Nitin Gadkari was dropped for some unexplained reasons. Former chief ministers B.S. Yediyurappa and Sarbananda Sonowal were inducted as a consolation after being removed as Chief Ministers. The logic of inclusion of Iqbal Singh Lalpura, Sudha Yadav, K. Laxman, and Satyanarayana Jatiya were never explained either.

It is said that the board may be reconstituted. Interestingly, despite the BJP governing 16 states, not a single sitting Chief Minister has a place on the Board — a sharp contrast to the era when Shivraj Singh Chouhan held Board membership while serving as Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister.

There is a buzz that Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Yogi Adityanath may be brought in. Fadnavis is already a member of BJP's Central Election Committee. With Punjab in focus, some changes are expected.

Is Sujata the Heir to Naveen Babu?

Political circles in Odisha are agog with reports that Biju Janata Dal (BJD) supremo and former Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik is projecting his close aide's wife, Sujata Raut Karthikeyan, as his successor.

She is the wife of former IAS officer V.K. Pandian who was perceived as Naveen's successor before the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. The BJP had built a narrative that Naveen Patnaik was grooming a "Tamil outsider" as his political successor which inflicted considerable political damage to the BJD.

After the electoral setback, Pandian retreated from the political limelight while his wife, Sujata Raut Karthikeyan, gradually emerged on the scene. A former IAS officer herself, Sujata is widely credited with conceptualising and implementing the Naveen Patnaik government's flagship women's empowerment initiative. She later resigned from the civil services.

Sujata has now formally joined the BJD. V.K. Pandian, had already stepped away from active politics after the election. Within BJD circles, there is growing speculation that Sujata could become the party's new public face and eventually emerge as Naveen Patnaik's political successor.

Interestingly, reports surfaced recently that Patnaik's

nephew nor other close relatives are keen to enter active politics. That has reportedly compelled the veteran leader to look beyond the family in his search for a political heir.

Cracks in the Iron Discipline!

For over a decade, the BJP prided itself on something its rivals could never match—iron discipline. Under Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, secrecy became institutional. Decisions were tightly guarded, dissent rarely escaped party walls, and adverse media coverage was swiftly countered, if not prevented altogether.

But the script appears to be changing.

A string of politically damaging stories has recently found its way into the public domain, prompting whispers that the BJP may be developing the very affliction it once mocked the Congress for—internal sabotage. Party insiders point to the land controversy involving Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav, the subsidy row surrounding Rajasthan MP and Union Minister of State Bhagirath Choudhary, and the sustained political heat on Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. None of these stories, they say, could have surfaced without help from within. The fact that such reports have appeared in mainstream media has only fuelled speculation that the party's once-impenetrable information firewall is weakening.

Whether these are isolated power struggles or the early symptoms of a larger factional churn remains to be seen.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

Classic Bipartisan 'Daylight Dacoity'

The BJP will now focus on dislodging the Congress-ruled Karnataka government in the Assembly polls. But insiders say that Karnataka has been one of those states where political parties are hand-in-glove with each other to share the booty. Recently,  the Karnataka High Court,  in a blistering set of rulings, has indicted not just policy, but politics—calling out successive governments for what it described as “daylight dacoity” in acquiring farmers’ land and handing it to private players. This may be the story in neighbouring Maharashtra too once upon a time. But karnataka caught the bull by the horn.

One of the sharpest observations came in a case dating back to 2001, when land was acquired—ostensibly for an IT park—but allegedly ended up benefiting a gutka-linked company. At the time, Karnataka was under the Congress government led by S. M. Krishna. The court tore into the process, questioning how “public purpose” was stretched to favour private interests.

The pattern, the court noted, did not end there. In subsequent years, under governments led by the BJP as well as the Janata Dal (Secular) in coalition phases, similar acquisitions continued—often benefiting real estate developers. In one such case, the court said bluntly that taking land from farmers only to pass it on to private builders amounts to “dacoity by the state.”

The most startling instance involved an acquisition cleared in just 18 days—during a later BJP regime. The court quashed it outright, calling it a “shocking abuse of power” and a complete subversion of due process. What emerges is a damning bipartisan indictment. The message from the bench is unambiguous: regime may change, but if the model of land acquisition remains exploitative, it will not pass judicial scrutiny.

Smriti hopes to get back Into the Spotlight

Politics, like television, loves a comeback story. And few understand that better than Smriti Irani. Ever since her shock defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, Irani had largely disappeared from the political headlines. Once among the BJP's most visible and combative faces, she seemed to have slipped into a prolonged intermission—returning to television acting while quietly handling organizational responsibilities in Delhi.

But fortune knocked again when the Modi government stumbled in Parliament over bills linked to the early implementation of women's reservation. Suddenly, the BJP needed a credible and articulate face on the issue. Irani, a former women and child development minister, fit the bill perfectly. Television studios quickly rediscovered her. The BJP put her up for a high-profile press conference a day after the government's setback.

The revival did not stop there. Fluent in Bengali and an effective crowd-puller, Irani was dispatched to West Bengal as a star campaigner. Her return to centre stage is also notable because newer BJP favourites, such as Rekha Gupta and Kangana Ranaut, have lately been grabbing much of the spotlight. For now, Irani appears to have moved from political exile to political standby—waiting in the wings, but no longer out of the frame.

Why the BJP Can't Crack the SP Fortress

For months now, BJP leaders in UP have been predicting an imminent split in the Samajwadi Party (SP). Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya has claimed that as many as 25-26 SP MPs are ready to walk out. BJP ally Om Prakash Rajbhar has gone even further, daring Akhilesh Yadav to "save his Mps." Yet the much-talked-about rebellion remains elusive.

On paper, the SP appears vulnerable. It has 37 Lok Sabha MPs and only four Rajya Sabha members. Several of its MPs face serious criminal cases, and any conviction carrying a sentence of more than two years could cost them their parliamentary memberships. In many other parties, such pressures might have triggered defections long ago.

So why is the BJP finding it difficult to engineer a split? The answer lies in political arithmetic rather than legal vulnerability. Unlike many regional parties that have suffered setbacks, the SP remains the principal opposition force in Uttar Pradesh. Its MPs were elected on the back of a strong anti-BJP vote and understand that their political future is closely tied to Akhilesh Yadav's fortunes. Defection may offer short-term security, but it risks political irrelevance in constituencies where voters continue to see the SP as the BJP's main challenger.

There is another factor. The SP's parliamentary contingent may not be ideologically cohesive, but it is united by a common fear: crossing over to the BJP could alienate the party's core Yadav-Muslim support base and damage local credibility. The BJP's success in breaking parties elsewhere has usually come after electoral decline. The Trinamool Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) faced turbulence after political setbacks. The SP, however, is still seen by its cadre as a party on the rise ahead of the 2027 Assembly election.

That is why, despite daily rumours and public predictions, the "split" remains more a political narrative than a political reality.

BJP Draws a Red Line Around Pradhan

The coming Monsoon Session promises to be stormy, with Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan emerging as the Opposition's chosen target. If the Opposition has decided to corner him over examination controversies, the BJP has made it equally clear that there will be no sacrificial offering.

The political messaging is unmistakable. Even as demands for Pradhan's resignation gather momentum, Prime Minister Narendra Modi publicly wished the minister on his birthday—a gesture widely interpreted within BJP circles as a vote of confidence and a signal that the leadership is firmly behind him.

Opposition parties, student organisations and activists are sharpening their attack over alleged irregularities in the NEET-UG examination, paper leaks and the functioning of the National Testing Agency. The Opposition sees the issue as an opportunity to paint the government as insensitive to the anxieties of millions of students and parents. The BJP, however, appears in no mood to blink. The result is a classic monsoon confrontation: an emboldened Opposition demanding accountability and a determined government refusing to surrender an inch.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

The Logic Behind Modi's Quest for Numbers

Ever since the BJP was reduced to 240 seats in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, the party leadership has worked relentlessly to strengthen its numbers in Parliament. Political observers often ask why the BJP appears determined to expand its footprint in both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha when the NDA already enjoys a comfortable majority and the Opposition remains divided.

The answer may lie less in the present and more in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's reading of political history. Modi has witnessed first-hand the vulnerabilities of coalition governments. As a senior BJP leader in Delhi, he saw the fall of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's government by a single vote in April 1999. The episode left a deep impression on the BJP leadership. Despite accommodating allies and negotiating till the very end, Vajpayee could not prevent the collapse of his government.

Modi also watched the turbulent years of Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, whose minority government survived from 1991 to 1996 only through constant political firefighting. Rao faced repeated no-confidence motions and relied on shifting parliamentary equations to stay afloat. The controversies that followed became a cautionary tale for future leaders.

For Modi, political stability is not merely desirable; it is essential. He believes governments should not be hostage to the whims of allies or vulnerable to sudden shifts in parliamentary arithmetic. A strong majority provides room for long-term policy making and shields the government from uncertainty. This helps explain the BJP's relentless pursuit of electoral expansion. Whether through victories in state elections, attracting leaders from rival parties, or widening its social base, the objective remains the same: secure a commanding presence in Parliament.

Critics may question the methods, but the strategic goal is clear. Modi wants the BJP to be strong enough to govern without dependence on unpredictable allies. In that sense, the slogan "400 Paar" is not merely an election cry. It reflects a larger political doctrine shaped by the lessons of India's coalition era.

Macron's Magic Touch for Modi

Diplomacy is often about protocol. Sometimes, it is about friendship. At the recent G7 Summit, Modi appeared to enjoy the best of both worlds. Though India is not a permanent member of the G7 club, Modi found himself in the front row and, more intriguingly, frequently alongside Donald Trump — a spot many leaders would envy.

The secret, insiders whisper, was not merely India's growing global heft but Modi's personal chemistry with French President Emmanuel Macron, the summit host. Macron's warmth was visible throughout, but the grand finale stole the show. As Modi wrapped up his visit, Macron bid him farewell in Hindi, addressing him as "Priya Mitra Narendra." In a world where diplomatic notes are carefully scripted, Macron's Hindi sign-off was a reminder that personal equations can sometimes achieve what official protocols cannot.

The same was in full glare when Modi and Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni exchanged jokes as they arrived for the customary group photograph in Evian-les-Bains and shared a light-hearted moment. A video showed Modi joking about their popularity on social media platforms. A mic captured Ms Meloni’s response more clearly as she said: “Yes, we’re the most famous couple on Instagram.” This sparked a wave of memes, fan edits, viral posts, and an online trend, “Melodi”, a portmanteau of their surnames.

Birthday Bonhomie: A Rare Political Thaw?

As the Monsoon Session approaches, signs of an unexpected political thaw are emerging in Delhi. As Rahul Gandhi turns 56, warm wishes poured in not just from allies but also from the ruling establishment. Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the greetings, followed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, who personally called the Leader of Opposition. Those familiar with the conversation say the exchange was unusually cordial. Birla reportedly told Rahul that he had watched one of his videos during a recent visit to Kota, his parliamentary constituency.

The most entertaining exchange, however, was with Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju. Responding to Rijiju's birthday wishes on X, Rahul quipped: "When are we doing our jiu-jitsu session?" Rijiju promptly replied that he was ready, but would not allow a "force submission," cheekily explaining the finer points of the martial art.

The mood may be friendly for now. Whether this birthday bonhomie survives the heat and turbulence of the Monsoon Session is another matter altogether.

A CM Who Can't Stop Stepping on Landmines

Telangana Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy is fast becoming a one-man controversy factory. In the space of just a few weeks, he has managed to eulogise Adolf Hitler, name a road after Donald Trump, and invite a sharp rebuke from his own party — all while his Congress high command looked the other way.

First came the Hitler moment. Reddy invoked the Nazi dictator while defending his anti-encroachment agency HYDRAA, claiming it worked like Hitler's feared assassination squad "Hydra." There was just one problem — Hitler never had any such team. "Hydra" is, in fact, a fictional terrorist organisation from Marvel Comics. So Telangana's Chief Minister was, in effect, citing a supervillain outfit to justify a government agency. You couldn't make it up.

Then came "Donald Trump Avenue" — the name his government chose for a road adjoining the US Consulate in Hyderabad. The BJP and the CPM, rarely on the same page, found rare common ground in slamming the decision and demanded it be withdrawn. The Congress high command, true to form, said nothing.

Adding spice to the saga, Reddy was summoned to Delhi for a meeting with Rahul Gandhi — but not over Hitler or Trump. The real fire was over the leaked rejection of Meenakshi Natarajan's Rajya Sabha nomination papers, sabotaged by someone within his own party in Telangana. Rahul, who had personally backed Natarajan, is said to be furious.

For Revanth Reddy, the storms aren't letting up — and most of them appear to be self-made.

Tailpiece: The BJP rolled out the red carpet when seven AAP Rajya Sabha MPs switched sides — hailing them as Punjab game-changers. But when Amit Shah sat down with BJP leaders to actually plan the Punjab polls in Delhi, all seven were conspicuous by their absence. Celebrated at the door, forgotten inside the room.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

"No Glucose" for the Akalis — Shah's Punjab Power Play

The BJP's Punjab unit arrived in Delhi hoping for clarity on a possible alliance with the Akali Dal. What they got instead was a blunt message from Home Minister Amit Shah: the BJP is not in the business of administering "glucose" to anyone. Known for speaking his mind without diplomatic cushioning, Shah reportedly dismissed speculation about reviving the old BJP-Akali partnership ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. When party leaders raised the alliance question, Shah's response was short and sharp: prepare to fight all 117 seats.

The remarks also validate growing indications that Punjab has moved to the top of Shah's political agenda. After investing heavily in West Bengal, the BJP's master strategist is now turning his attention to a state where the party has historically lacked an independent footprint.

This column had flagged it on May 27, 2026 — post-West Bengal, Shah's cross hairs would swing to Punjab. That prediction has now walked into a conference room and taken a seat at the table. 

For decades, the BJP played junior partner to the Akalis. That era is over. At a marathon closed-door strategy session in the Capital, attended by senior central leaders including BJP president Nitin Navin, Shah outlined an ambitious road map. The immediate target is to raise the party's vote share from around 19 per cent in 2024 to 28–30%. That's not incremental growth — that's a political land grab. The era of political oxygen for allies is ending. In Punjab, the BJP wants to breathe on its own.

Can Mamata Be Compared with Indira Gandhi?

Reports suggesting that former West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee may be losing control of the TMC have revived memories of one of Indian politics' most remarkable stories of survival—that of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The comparison has obvious limits. Indira Gandhi led a national party and governed India, while Mamata's influence remains largely regional. Yet the parallels are striking.

Indira Gandhi was effectively thrown out of her own party twice. The first time came in 1969, when she clashed with the Congress old guard, known as the Syndicate, over the presidential election. Defying the party leadership, she backed Vice-President V.V. Giri against the Syndicate's nominee, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy. Giri's victory triggered a split between Congress (R), led by her, and Congress (O), led by the old guard. Indira took her battle directly to the people. Her "Garibi Hatao" campaign transformed the 1971 Lok Sabha election into a referendum. She won a landslide, while the Syndicate faded into irrelevance.

The second expulsion came after her darkest political moment. Following the Emergency and the Congress defeat in 1977, party leadership expelled Indira Gandhi. Undeterred, she formed Congress (I). Within two years, she was back in power as Prime Minister.

This history is worth recalling as a rebel faction reportedly seeks control of the TMC, arguing that it represents the "real" party. But do the claimants of “Real TMC” have a leader like Mamata- a street fighter? Whether Mamata can emulate Indira's remarkable comebacks remains uncertain. But Indian political history offers one enduring lesson: losing control of a party does not necessarily mean losing the support of the people.

How War Turned Into a Bonanza for Bihar

For a state that barely figures on India's industrial map, Bihar had quietly emerged as an ethanol powerhouse. More than two dozen ethanol plants were operational producing over 50 crore litres of ethanol annually. Then came the crisis. In late 2025, Bihar's ethanol dream appeared headed for collapse. Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) slashed procurement from the state's grain-based distilleries by nearly 50 percent, preferring sugar-based ethanol. Industry leaders complained that investments worth thousands of crores had been made on assurances of full procurement.

Since ethanol could be sold only to petroleum companies due to prohibition policy, producers had no alternative market. Many blamed prohibition driven Gujarat's sugar-based ethanol industry for cornering a larger share of OMC orders. Plants shut down in Bihar, jobs were threatened, and fears of bankruptcy spread across the sector.

Then geopolitics intervened. The conflict in West Asia sent global energy markets into turmoil, forcing India to intensify its search for domestically produced fuel alternatives. Suddenly, Bihar's idle ethanol capacity became a strategic asset. For Bihar's ethanol producers, a distant war has delivered an unexpected windfall.

Squatting in Lutyens

The Congress has a new home. But it refuses to leave the old one. Indira Bhavan on Kotla Marg is officially the party's new headquarters. Shiny. Renamed. Re-branded. Yet, deep in the heart of Lutyens' Delhi, 24, Akbar Road still hums with Congress life — frontal organisations, party cells, and the quiet comfort of being just a stone's throw from Sonia Gandhi's fortress at 10, Janpath.

Old habits. Old addresses. Old power.

The party's defence? Classic Congress deflection — "But the BJP does it too!" Point noted: 11, Ashoka Road still runs BJP departments. Fair enough. But the bungalow stands in the name of an MP. Except Congress isn't just arguing parity — it's arguing permanence. And here's where the plot thickens. 24, Akbar Road is a Type-VIII government bungalow. It can't just be wished into Congress hands — someone has to formally hold it. And that's where the arithmetic gets awkward.

Sonia Gandhi? Already has 10 Janpath.  Rahul Gandhi? Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha — official bungalow, sorted. Kharge? Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha — accommodation, sorted. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra? Security-cover bungalow — sorted.

So who holds 24, Akbar Road? Digvijaya Singh? Retired. Some long-serving MP or ex-CM minister? Possible — but there is none. Spoiler: don't hold your breath.

The Modi government holds the last card. And handing Congress a prime Lutyens address on a silver platter isn't exactly on their agenda. 24, Akbar Road may have Congress's soul. But the keys? That's another matter entirely.