by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Amit Shah: Bengal Blitz to Mission Punjab

After scripting a historic breakthrough in West Bengal — long seen as one of the BJP’s toughest political frontiers — Union Home Minister Amit Shah is now believed to be turning his full attention towards Punjab. Within the BJP, there is growing buzz that Shah may personally oversee the party’s campaign and organisational strategy in the border state ahead of next year’s Assembly elections. Though Sunil Bansal was formally entrusted with handling West Bengal, party insiders acknowledge that Amit Shah himself played the central role in steering the campaign. Shah reportedly camped nearly a fortnight in the state during the elections, closely monitoring booth-level management and political outreach. The BJP leadership now appears keen to replicate a similar high-intensity model in Punjab.

While Assembly elections are also due in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur, the BJP already heads governments in these states. Punjab, however, presents a different political challenge. For decades, the BJP largely played second fiddle to its former ally, the Shiromani Akali Dal. The party is now determined to emerge as an independent pole of politics in the state. The first major signal came a couple of years ago with the appointment of senior former Congress leader Sunil Jakhar as the BJP’s Punjab chief. Since then, several prominent leaders from the Congress and other parties, including former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh and Ravneet Singh Bittu have either joined or aligned with the BJP. Bittu was later inducted into the Union Ministry. 

The BJP’s aggressive expansion strategy is now in full swing with defections of seven Rajya Sabha Mps from the Aam Aadmi Party. The “Open arm” policy will be visible from the AAP, Congress and the Akali Dal as the Assembly polls draw closer. 

In Search of a Punjab Face

As the BJP sharpens its strategy for the high-stakes Punjab Assembly elections, intense speculation is underway over whether the party will project a Chief Ministerial face or fight under the towering shadow of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

For decades, the BJP was perceived in Punjab largely as an urban, non-Sikh Hindu party and remained dependent on its ally, the SAD. But party leaders believe the political landscape has changed significantly. Over the years, the BJP has quietly expanded its social base, bringing into its fold influential Sikh leaders, Dalit faces, Jat Sikh representatives and leaders from multiple caste groups.

The latest buzz centres around senior advocate and noted human rights activist H. S. Phoolka, whose entry into the BJP after his stint with the AAP has fueled speculation that he could emerge as a prominent face for the party in Punjab. However, BJP insiders insist the party is unlikely to officially declare any Chief Ministerial candidate. Instead, the elections are expected to be fought largely around Modi’s leadership, governance plank and national appeal, with the Prime Minister remaining the BJP’s undisputed face in Punjab.

Where Losing Can Be Rewarding

Amritsar may well be India’s most politically “charitable” Lok Sabha constituency — a place where electoral defeat does not necessarily end careers, but often elevates them. In a political system usually unforgiving to losers, this high-profile Punjab seat has quietly earned a reputation for producing remarkably well-rewarded candidates. It was in 2014 when senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley lost the Amritsar contest but soon emerged as one of the most powerful ministers in Modi’s Cabinet. The pattern repeated itself in 2019 when former diplomat Hardeep Singh Puri was quickly elevated within the Union government and remains a key minister in the Modi Cabinet after losing Lok Sabha polls.

The tradition continued with former ambassador Taranjit Singh Sandhu. After his defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Amritsar, Sandhu has now been appointed Lieutenant Governor of Delhi, further cementing the constituency’s unusual political folklore. In most constituencies, defeat is seen as a setback, sometimes even political exile. But in Amritsar, losing seems less like a rejection and more like a stepping stone to higher office. In this “holy city,” political setbacks often come wrapped in unexpected rewards.

India Bloc in Limbo

With the Congress abandoning its long time ally, the DMK in Tamil Nadu and joining hands with the TVK, the future of the INDIA Bloc seems to be in limbo. The JMM is also upset with the Congress in Jharkhand. Mamata Banerjee who was contemplating to emerge as a rallying point of the Opposition in the country with the help of Akhilesh Yadav (SP) and Arvind Kejriwal (AAP) in toe, suffered a serious setback after her rout in West Bengal. Kejriwal is on the back foot after loss in Delhi and the Mann government in Punjab is also facing a serious threat to its survival. 

Yet, Mamata added more confusion by giving a call for a meeting of the INDIA bloc in June. It is not clear where the meeting will be held- in Kolkata or Delhi. It is also not clear whether she had done so in consultation with the Congress or otherwise. Although Rahul Gandhi had publicly supported Mamata Banerjee after her defeat by asking party men not to criticize her. But many INDIA bloc parties are miffed with Congress and the gulf is widening. Therefore, Mamata Banerjee's move may be one of the ways to retain the unity of the INDIA Bloc and Congress may have taken a step back. But this damage control is unlikely to help the Opposition as Rahul Gandhi continues to play solo.

Tailpiece: A Hush Hush meet

A hush-hush meeting between UP's powerful bureaucrat Sanjay Prasad and BJP National President Nitin Nabin has set off a fresh round of speculation in Delhi power circles. Prasad, a 1995-batch IAS officer, is handling CM Yogi's Office, Home, Information and Vigilance.

What added to the intrigue was that a photograph of the meeting briefly appeared on Nabin’s official social media handles before disappearing the next day. While those close to Prasad have sought to play down the episode as nothing more than a “courtesy call,” a few appear convinced. Both Prasad and Nabin hail from Bihar. It is said that Prasad may be keen to take a political plunge.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

A majority in Rajya Sabha for BJP  far away

No significant gain in current round of biennial polls 

Harish Gupta 

The BJP is unlikely to improve its tally significantly in the current round of biennial polls for 24 Rajya Sabha seats. Of the 24 seats, the BJP's 12 Mps are retiring and the party will be able to win 12 seats. If it loses one seat in Karnataka, it will gain one in Gujarat. The BJP may ask TDP to give one RS seat which may be a bonus. The BJP's current strength in Rajya Sabha is 113 and it needs 122 seats to gain a majority as the house strength is 243.

The BJP may gain a majority in Rajya Sabha on its own in 2028 as there are 12 seats (UP and Uttarakhand)  that will go to polls this year and four Rajya Sabha seats in 2027- Kerala (3) and Puducherry (1). The BJP will have to break the Opposition ranks once again like a split in the AAP when 7 out of 10 MPs quit to join the BJP. The NDA's current strength is 144 which will go up to 147.

In the two by-polls, the NDA will retain one in Maharashtra but lose another in Tamil Nadu. The NCP will retain its  seat but C V Shanmugam (AIADMK) seat will now go to TVK.

The Congress will lose one seat in Gujarat as Shakti Singh Gohil can't win due to lack of numbers. But the party will win one extra seat in karnataka. Therefore, if its four Mps are retiring, the same number will return from Karnataka (2), Madhya Pradesh (1) and Rajasthan (1).  

The Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge is set to be renominated by the party. Ashok Gehlot and Digvijay Singh are also eyeing Rajya Sabha ticket in Rajasthan and  Madhya Pradesh  respectively. The Congress has 29 members and its strength is likely to remain so.

These 24 seats include four each in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, three each in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, two in Jharkhand, one each in Manipur, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

From Meme Maker to ‘Cockroach King’

The Meteoric Rise of Abhijeet Dipke from Pune to Boston

Harish Gupta

From an obscure meme-maker to the face of India’s latest online political storm, 30-year-old Abhijeet Dipke from Pune has suddenly become the internet’s newest disruptor.

The founder of the satirical “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP) launched the digital outfit on May 16 after Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s “cockroaches” remark about unemployed youth triggered outrage online. Though he later clarified his remarks, the damage was done.

What started as political satire exploded into a viral movement within hours. Today, the CJP boasts more than 19 million Instagram followers — reportedly overtaking every mainstream political party in India on social media. Before facing legal restrictions in India, its X account too had crossed 200,000 followers.

Dipke, a journalism graduate from Pune and currently a public relations student at Boston University, previously worked with the Aam Aadmi Party’s social media team and helped design meme-based campaigns during the 2020 Delhi elections.

Blending humour with anger over unemployment, paper leaks and political alienation, the CJP has struck a chord with India’s restless Gen Z, turning the humble cockroach into an unlikely symbol of resistance.

What he imagined as political satire has evolved into a strange but potent expression of Gen Z frustration. The CJP calls itself “the voice of the lazy and unemployed”, mixing dark humour with sharp political messaging on unemployment, inequality, media control and political alienation.

Critics dismiss it as choreographed digital theatre with opposition links. Yet supporters see something deeper: a generation exhausted by politics but desperate to be heard.

India may not be witnessing street revolutions like Sri Lanka or Bangladesh or Nepal, but simmering anxieties over jobs, rising costs and shrinking opportunities are unmistakable. The cockroach — resilient, unwanted and impossible to eliminate — has unexpectedly become the perfect symbol of that frustration.

In an era where politics increasingly resembles performance, India’s latest anti-establishment mascot suddenly feels oddly believable. What next? No one is sure. 

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

How to Make Rs 2  lakh cr. Bullet Train Project Viable!

The government’s flagship high-speed rail dream is inching forward, but a big question refuses to go away: how to make the bullet train financially viable. The ambitious Mumbai–Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail Corridor — India’s first attempt at a 320 kmph rail network — was once projected to cost about ₹90,000 crore. Today, estimates suggest the bill could touch nearly ₹2 lakh crore, turning what was envisioned as a technological leap into a serious financial puzzle.

Delays in land acquisition, the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, and rising construction costs have all pushed up the price of the 508-km corridor linking Mumbai and Ahmedabad. A major chunk of the original funding came from the Japan International Cooperation Agency, which agreed to finance about 81% of the initial project cost through a long-term soft loan. However, Tokyo has made it clear that it will not fund cost overruns, leaving New Delhi to absorb the ballooning expense.

That has triggered intense internal discussions within the government on how to make the project economically sustainable. Critics in the opposition have already begun branding it a potential “white elephant,” arguing that ticket prices may end up being beyond the reach of ordinary passengers. Supporters counter that the debate is premature. The corridor is expected to run about 35 trains daily and eventually carry nearly 1.6 crore passengers annually, dramatically cutting travel time between the two major commercial hubs.

The first operational stretch between Surat and Bilimora is expected to see a trial run in August 2027. But the stakes go beyond just one project. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken of expanding bullet train corridors across the country. The immediate challenge before policymakers is clear: if India’s first bullet train struggles to prove viable, how will others ever take off?  A core group is breaking its head over how to make the Bullet train journey viable.

The wait gets longer

Nitin Nabin took over as BJP chief on January 20, 2026 and travelled extensively across more than a dozen states and campaigned actively during the Assembly polls as well. But his wait gets longer and longer to get his team even five months after he took over. It is also clear that he will continue in office until the next Lok Sabha elections as his three year term ends in January 2029.

One of the reasons for delay is largely because the new team has to reflect a balance between continuity and generational change. The leadership is considering introducing an informal upper age limit of 60 years bracket for organisational office-bearers to promote younger faces within the party structure. Among those likely to retain influential positions are Sunil Bansal and Vinod Tawde, both currently general secretaries. B. L. Santosh is also expected to continue for some more time as organisation general secretary.

The name of Ram Madhav was doing the rounds earlier. But no one is sure about his role. There are indications that party general secretaries such as Radha Mohan Das Agrawal, Tarun Chugh, Dushyant Gautam and Arun Singh may get other responsibilities. But all this has been in limbo and Nitin Nabin is keeping his fingers crossed.

Yogi Convoy Raises Eyebrows

Political circles were left intrigued over how Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath appeared to sidestep Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s repeated emphasis on austerity and minimalism in public life. During his recent visit to Delhi, Yogi was seen moving with a cavalcade of more than a dozen vehicles, prompting murmurs even within political corridors.

There is little dispute that the UP Chief Minister faces serious security threats from extremist elements and is entitled to Z-plus category protection. Security agencies, officials insist, determine the scale of such arrangements. Yet, comparisons inevitably surfaced because the Prime Minister himself is often seen traveling in the Capital with a far leaner convoy.

The optics, therefore, became difficult to ignore. In a political climate where symbolism matters as much as substance, critics and even some admirers wondered whether the message of restraint could have been better reflected on the road as well. For many observers, it was less about security protocol and more about political messaging.

Keeping out of public glare

Even as the Indian economy navigates a difficult phase marked by stubborn inflation, pressure on the rupee and slowing consumption, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has noticeably withdrawn from the public spotlight. Unlike many of her predecessors who preferred aggressive public messaging during economic turbulence, Sitharaman has chosen silence and caution.

Critics argue that her political standing and public approval have come under increasing scrutiny in recent months. Rising prices, stress among small businesses and concerns over weakening household savings have provided the Opposition enough ammunition to target the Finance Ministry.

Yet, her supporters insist that the broader macroeconomic picture remains stable compared to many global economies battling similar headwinds. They point to India’s growth trajectory, strong tax collections, infrastructure push and fiscal discipline remain on a relatively firm footing despite global uncertainty. Sitharaman, however, has never been a politician known for grandstanding. Having held the finance portfolio for nearly eight years — a rare feat in itself — she has developed a reputation for speaking only when necessary and avoiding needless controversies. Unlike several senior ministers, she rarely courts media attention, grants very few interviews outside the Union Budget period and prefers institutional communication over personal projection.

Sources in government circles say the Prime Minister’s Office closely monitors economic messaging, leaving Sitharaman comfortable with allowing “South Block to do the talking.” Now, as economic anxieties deepen, the Finance Minister appears to have retreated even further into a carefully guarded shell.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

Modi-Shah Eye the Last Frontier Now

For the Bharatiya Janata Party, Punjab has long remained the final political fortress it could never conquer on its own. But with the 2027 Assembly election now firmly on the radar, the Narendra Modi–Amit Shah combine has begun crafting an aggressive multi-layered strategy to crack the border state — politically, socially and psychologically.

The BJP believes the ruling Aam Aadmi Party government under Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann is increasingly vulnerable. The recent twin low-intensity blasts near the Army cantonment boundary wall in Amritsar’s Khasa and outside the BSF Punjab Frontier headquarters in Jalandhar handed the BJP a potent national security narrative. Punjab DGP Gaurav Yadav’s observation that Pakistan’s ISI could be linked to the incidents allowed the BJP to sharpen its attack, projecting the Mann government as weak on security in a sensitive border state where Khalistani elements are once again attempting to regroup.

Privately, BJP strategists argue that Punjab’s electorate is growing uneasy over what they describe as “administrative drift” under the AAP regime. The Opposition’s allegations about Mann allegedly arriving drunk at an official function have further fueled the perception battle around the chief minister’s image.

But the BJP’s biggest weapon may well be its political engineering. The party has quietly built a formidable network of imported heavyweights. Punjab BJP chief Sunil Jakhar came from the Congress. Union Minister Ravneet Singh Bittu crossed over from the Congress. Former chief minister Capt Amarinder Singh is already in the saffron camp. Now, the dramatic defection of Raghav Chadha and six AAP Rajya Sabha MPs to the BJP has injected fresh momentum into the party’s expansion plans.

The message from Delhi is unmistakable: Punjab is no longer being treated as an impossible state. After Bengal, the BJP now wants its next great breakthrough in the nation’s volatile border belt.

What's common between Suvendu and Sarma

For decades, India’s opposition parties perfected one political art: promoting bloodlines over battlefield commanders. The BJP, meanwhile, perfected the opposite—spotting ambitious regional warhorses abandoned by dynastic courts and turning them into chief ministers. That is the common thread binding Suvendu Adhikari and Himanta Biswa Sarma.

Adhikari was not merely another Trinamool functionary. He was the architect of Nandigram, the mass mobiliser who helped catapult Mamata Banerjee from street fighter to Bengal’s undisputed ruler. For years, he was seen as the natural political heir. But the succession script changed when the party pivoted toward Abhishek Banerjee, the nephew waiting in the wings. Adhikari walked out in 2020, joined the BJP, and became not merely as Leader of Opposition, but the saffron camp’s King of Bengal.

The Assam story is eerily similar. Sarma spent 25 years building the Congress in the Northeast brick by brick. Yet when succession politics surfaced, the establishment appeared more comfortable backing Gaurav Gogoi, son of former CM Tarun Gogoi. Sarma crossed over to the BJP in 2015. Today, he is not just Assam’s dominant leader but the BJP’s principal strategist across the Northeast.

The lesson is brutal. Parties weakened by a dynasty often lose their most effective generals. The BJP’s rise is not explained only by electoral machinery or aggressive campaigning. Its real long game lies in identifying leaders discarded by family-run parties, rewarding ambition over inheritance, and converting political resentment into raw electoral power.

Nitish also Crowns His Prince

For years, Nitish Kumar built his political brand around two claims — clean governance and uncompromising opposition to dynastic politics. With the elevation of his son Nishant Kumar as health minister in the Samrat Choudhary-led Bihar government, that carefully cultivated moral high ground has come crashing down.

The symbolism was impossible to miss. Nishant, who joined the JD(U) barely a month ago and has never fought an election, walked straight into ministerial office after touching his father’s feet on stage. No years in the organisational trenches. No electoral baptism. No legislative experience. Just lineage.

For decades, Nitish attacked Lalu Prasad Yadav for turning politics into a family enterprise — first installing Rabri Devi as chief minister and then promoting sons like Tejashwi Yadav. Today, Nitish stands accused of embracing precisely the culture he once denounced.

The BJP’s silence has been equally revealing. Prime Minister Narendra Modi routinely attacks “parivarvaad” as a danger to democracy, yet the saffron camp looked the other way when its ally inducted a political novice solely because he carried the right surname. The official explanation — that allies are free to choose their ministers — sounded less like principle and more like political convenience. The irony is devastating: the man who spent decades attacking the dynasty has ultimately surrendered to it.

What Next for the Trinamool?

What lies ahead for the TMC is the million-dollar question. One thing, however, is beyond doubt: Mamata Banerjee is a street-fighter, a leader who thrives on direct confrontation. She is unlikely to allow the BJP to govern West Bengal without resistance. Unlike Odisha, where the BJP faces little push back, Bengal promises to remain a battleground, with Banerjee personally taking on the government.

Yet, time is not on her side. Her decision to project her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, as heir apparent has not inspired the same mass appeal that she commands. That gap raises questions about succession and party cohesion.

Rumours during the election of around 15 Trinamool MPs being in touch with the BJP — including some from the Rajya Sabha — were dismissed by the party as psychological warfare. But could such speculation acquire substance now? Bengal’s political history offers clues. While Left cadres rarely defected, Congress leaders often switched sides. The Trinamool itself is largely built on that Congress legacy — leaders accustomed to being in power.

If the perception grows that the BJP is entrenched in Bengal for the long haul, defections cannot be ruled out. With 29 MPs, the Trinamool remains a significant bloc — and a potential target. Don’t be surprised if “Operation Lotus” quietly gathers pace in the state, especially beyond minority-dominated constituencies.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

When Sonia Gandhi Vetoed Rahul

In the shadowy corridors of Indian National Congress, the Tamil Nadu puzzle had begun to look less like strategy and more like a family writ. Rahul Gandhi, restless and impatient, was quietly flirting with a political gamble—ditching the old warhorse Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and exploring a bold alignment with Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) fronted by actor-turned-politician Vijay.

Signals were subtle but unmistakable. Rahul’s public defence of Vijay over censorship controversies in early January this year was no casual gesture—it was a political wink. Congress insiders whispered of back channel talks, of emissaries testing the waters, of a new southern script being drafted. The state unit, weary of playing second fiddle to the DMK, wasn’t entirely opposed either.

But the DMK wasn’t taking chances. A visibly concerned senior leader Kanimozhi made a quiet dash to Delhi, landing at 10 Janpath on a cold January evening. The message was blunt: don’t rock the boat. Yet, Rahul held his ground. The stalemate deepened, and Tamil Nadu’s alliance arithmetic teetered on collapse.

Enter Sonia Gandhi. On March 3, the Congress matriarch stepped in with characteristic finality. Calls were made, lines were drawn, and a direct channel was opened with M. K. Stalin. The message was clear—there would be no adventurism. The DMK alliance would hold. Rahul’s experiment was over before it began. Reluctantly, the party fell in line. Seat-sharing was stitched up, the façade of unity restored. It's a different matter that Rahul Gandhi did not address any joint rallies and maintained distance.

But politics has a cruel sense of timing. As results trickled in, murmurs grew louder—had Rahul seen what others missed? TVK’s rise hinted at a shifting ground reality, one the Congress chose not to ride. For now, discipline trumped instinct. Rahul deferred. Sonia decided. And somewhere in Tamil Nadu, a missed opportunity quietly lingered.

A Midnight Operation: How Amit Shah Breached the Kejriwal Fortress

For years, the Aam Aadmi Party’s compact but combative Rajya Sabha bloc of ten MPs punched far above its weight, needling the National Democratic Alliance at every turn. Even when Swati Maliwal broke ranks, the fortress held—cracks visible, but no collapse.

Then came the moment that changed the script. As Raghav Chadha—once the blue-eyed strategist of Arvind Kejriwal—lost his footing within the party, the tremors began. Whispers turned into quiet huddles; disquiet found a direction. Delhi’s political grapevine sensed movement before the headlines did.

What followed had all the elements of a classic capital intrigue. On a humid Delhi night, well past the hour of routine political activity, seven AAP MPs slipped into Amit Shah’s residence for a close-door meeting that insiders now describe as decisive. It wasn’t just a courtesy call. Shah, in his trademark clinical style, is learnt to have laid out a hard political brief—Punjab’s stalled governance, the patchy rollout of central schemes, and the shrinking space for relevance within AAP.

By the time the meeting broke, sometime close to midnight, the die was cast. Numbers, as always in Delhi, proved more decisive than noise. With over two-thirds of the bloc ready to walk, the anti-defection law turned from a barrier into a bridge.

The Kejriwal fortress didn’t fall with a bang—it was quietly unlocked from within. In the capital’s shadowy power game, this was less a rebellion and more a midnight extraction—swift, silent, and devastatingly effective.

New CDS: The Guessing Game Intensifies

As the war in West Asia dominates strategic conversations, a quieter but equally intense churn is underway within India’s military establishment: who will be the next Chief of Defence Staff? With General Anil Chauhan’s extended tenure ending on May 30, 2026, the race has entered a decisive phase—though officially, the field remains wide open.

The timing adds intrigue. Army chief General Upendra Dwivedi and Navy chief Admiral Dinesh K. Tripathi are both set to retire within months, placing them in contention. Predictably, lobbying has picked up, with each service keenly watching how the balance of power may shift.

Yet, the buzz in Delhi’s security circles suggests the outcome may not rest solely within the services. National Security Adviser Ajit Doval is widely seen as a key influence in such appointments. His military adviser, Lt Gen. S. Raja Subramani, has emerged as a serious contender—mirroring Chauhan’s own trajectory from the same role to CDS. Both Chauhan and India’s first CDS, the late General Bipin Rawat, were considered close to Doval’s strategic worldview.

However, another appointment of a retired Army general could trigger disquiet within the Navy and Air Force, which have long argued against the Army’s institutional dominance. The CDS post, after all, was conceived to foster jointness and integration across services.

With eligibility norms now widened to include serving and retired three-star officers, the government has flexibility. The real test will be whether it uses that leeway to reinforce balance—or continuity.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Spy vs Spy: Delhi’s Surveillance Politics Explodes

In geopolitics, lessons travel fast. Ever since reports surfaced that Israeli intelligence agencies tracked and eliminated top Iranian leadership by mapping vehicle movements, a quiet paranoia has gripped power corridors in Delhi. Suddenly, CCTV cameras are no longer just about traffic violations or street crime—they are potential instruments of political intelligence. In the Capital, this unease has snowballed into a full-blown surveillance slugfest between Aam Aadmi Party and BJP.

What began as a flagship public safety project under Arvind Kejriwal—with lakhs of cameras blanketing the city—is now being systematically dismantled. The BJP, now calling the shots, has ordered a sweeping reset: scrap the old network, float fresh tenders, bring in new spy machines. The official trigger? Security concerns over Chinese-origin equipment, especially from Hikvision. In an era of heightened cyber anxieties, the argument has some weight. But scratch the surface, and a more political story emerges. The BJP’s unease is blunt: a surveillance grid built, controlled, and calibrated under AAP could double up as a political listening post. Why inherit a system you don’t trust?

The AAP's counter-charge is equally sharp—that the BJP wants its own digital eyes and ears, a tailor-made network to watch rivals, not just wrongdoers. The numbers tell their own story. Nearly 1.4 lakh cameras—many installed between 2020 and 2022—are being ripped out. This isn’t maintenance; it’s demolition with intent. The larger question, then, is not just about Chinese hardware or public safety. In Delhi, the CCTV is no longer just a camera on the wall. It’s a lens into power, paranoia, and the politics of who watches whom.

Priyanka Chaturvedi at the Crossroads

Is Priyanka Chaturvedi scripting a comeback via the Lok Sabha, or angling for another Rajya Sabha innings? With her Upper House term from Shiv Sena (UBT) over, the chatter in political corridors is getting louder—and juicier. The buzz has a clear geographical anchor: Mathura. It’s not just sentiment. Chaturvedi hails from here and her recent visit has set tongues wagging. The seat is currently held by Hema Malini, but by 2029, age could redraw the BJP’s calculus, opening a tempting window.

But the real intrigue lies in the party tag. Will she stay loyal, switch sides, or hedge her bets? Signals are mixed. One track suggests a Rajya Sabha re-entry with possible backing from the Samajwadi Party, which is eyeing gains in the upcoming Uttar Pradesh RS polls. With numbers on its side, the SP could bag multiple seats—but not without resistance from the BJP.

Yet, there’s a twist. Akhilesh Yadav is reportedly more keen to test her electoral heft in Mathura than park her in the Rajya Sabha. Back channel voices may prefer a safe RS berth, but the SP chief seems to favour a riskier, high-reward Lok Sabha gamble.

Meanwhile, equations with her current party remain less than warm. From flirting with a saffron switch to exploring the UP route, every option is on the table. One thing is clear: her next move could be less about loyalty—and more about survival and ambition.

Price Tag Politics: How Much for Power?

A 19-minute “sting” clip has detonated like a political landmine in West Bengal. Released by the Trinamool Congress, it alleges that Humayun Kabir of the Aam Janata Unnayan Party struck a staggering ₹1,000 crore deal with the BJP to split minority votes in Murshidabad and Malda ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls. Kabir first dismissed it as AI fakery, then conceded the clip was real—only “edited & incomplete.” The BJP has waved it off as theatrics. Truth, as always, sits somewhere behind the noise, waiting.

But the deeper tremor comes from an unlikely quarter. Birendra Singh who was in the first Modi Cabinet for five years, has cut through the fog with a blunt observation: a leader “worth” ₹20 crore is pushed into delirium when the BJP pays Rs 50 crore.

What does this moment reveal? Not just the presence of money power—that is old news—but its breathtaking scale and normalization. Elections are no longer merely contests of ideology or identity; they risk becoming high-stakes financial markets where loyalties are traded, constituencies are segmented, and outcomes are engineered with capital.

The alleged ₹1,000 crore figure, whether proven or not, is symbolic. It signals a shift—from retail corruption to wholesale political investment. In such a marketplace, voters are reduced to data points, and democracy to a negotiable instrument. The last word on this controversy may still be unwritten. But one question now demands an answer: when the price of power keeps rising, who—or what—gets sold first?

The Reluctant Warrior

Assembly elections are underway in two major states—West Bengal and Tamil Nadu. Polling for 152 seats in Bengal and all 234 seats in Tamil Nadu is scheduled for April 23. PM Modi has unleashed an aggressive campaign blitz. Home Minister Amit Shah has announced a 15-day ground push in Bengal.

In sharp contrast, Rahul Gandhi has largely stayed away from Tamil Nadu campaigning so far. He has not been particularly visible in Bengal either.  He is finally visited West Bengal on Tuestday, April 14 and may visit one more time. But along with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, his focus has remained on Kerala, Puducherry and Assam—even there, without matching Modi’s intensity. The BJP, despite modest prospects in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, the party has mounted a full-scale effort.

Congress, however, seems to be going through the motions. Though it is contesting more seats in TN in alliance with the DMK, its top leadership’s late push looks largely symbolic. In Bengal, where it is contesting widely after decades, expectations remain modest despite pockets of hope in Murshidabad and Malda.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Amit Shah’s Talent Hunt in the Heartland

The saffron gates in Punjab haven't just been nudged open; they’ve been ripped off the hinges. Amit Shah’s "Open Door" policy isn’t a strategy; it’s a vacuum. After the solo runs in Assam and West Bengal, the blueprint is clear: if you can’t beat the machinery, buy the mechanics. But in the corridors of the Punjab BJP, the "old guard" is shivering. They spent decades chanting for a Congress-Mukt Bharat, only to wake up in a Congress-Yukt BJP.

Look at the masthead. Sunil Jakhar, whose DNA carries a century of Congress tradition, now holds the reins. Ravneet Singh Bittu didn’t just defect; he fast-tracked into a Union Ministry. Then there’s the "Maharaja," Captain Amarinder Singh, who moved his entire darbar from the Congress stable to the Lotus fold.

The message from Delhi is unsentimental: "Winning is the only loyalty." Talent is being scouted like a corporate headhunt. Whether it’s rebel AAP MPs looking for a lifeboat or Akali Dal veterans sensing a shift in the wind, the welcome mat is out. It’s the Assam model on steroids. In Guwahati, the CM and his cabinet are a "Who’s Who" of former Congress stalwarts. Punjab is now sprinting down that same track.

For the BJP veterans who braved the lean years, the irony is bitter. They fought the "Hand" for a lifetime, only to find the "Hand" now wearing the "Lotus" ring and calling the shots. They fear the party’s soul is being traded for a spreadsheet of vote banks. Shah’s gamble is high-stakes. He’s betting that a patchwork of "borrowed" giants can do what the original cadre couldn't: conquer the heartland of the farmers' protest. The doors stay open, the air is thick with ambition, and the original saffron line is fading into a shade of "Congress-lite."

Rahul Gandhi’s Kerala Googley

Rahul Gandhi has tossed a political googley in Kerala, declaring that if the Congress comes to power, he would like to see a woman as Chief Minister. The remark has instantly reset the conversation. The pitch, however, came wrapped in sentiment. During the campaign, Rahul recalled his recent experience when Sonia Gandhi was hospitalised. He spoke of a nurse from Kerala who attended to her with remarkable care, using the anecdote to spotlight the compassion and commitment associated with the state’s nurses. “A nurse from Kerala came every hour to check on my mother… they have comforted countless families in their most difficult times,” he said, before adding that he looks forward to Kerala having a woman Chief Minister.

Yet, the emotional appeal masks hard politics. The statement has unsettled senior leaders like K. C. Venugopal, Ramesh Chennithala and V. D. Satheesan. The Congress in Kerala has a thin bench of prominent women leaders. With barely eight or nine women candidates among its 95 seats, the optics sit uneasily with the promise. Among those being discussed is MP Hibi Eden, though she is not contesting. Shanimol Usman, Bindu Krishna, Uma Thomas are also being talked about apart from Former MP and Dalit leader Ramya Haridas. For now, Rahul’s googley has landed. Whether it turns into a wicket will depend on the verdict—and the numbers.

What’s Cooking in Bihar?

There’s more than routine constitutional propriety behind the calm in Patna. Nitish Kumar may have resigned from the Legislative Council within the mandated 14-day window after his election to the Rajya Sabha on March 16, but he continues to hold on as Chief Minister of Bihar—and that has set political antennas twitching. Formally, there is nothing amiss. Under Article 164(4) of the Constitution, a non-legislator can serve as Chief Minister for up to six months. Nitish is expected to take oath in the Rajya Sabha around April 10. Until then—and even beyond—his dual positioning raises no immediate red flags in law.

But politics rarely stops at legality. Nitish’s decision to stay put hints at calibrated ambiguity. Is he buying time, or keeping options open in an ever-fluid Bihar landscape? The silence is as telling as any statement.

History offers a sharp reminder of how such overlaps can carry outsized consequences. In 1999, Giridhar Gamang, then Chief Minister of Odisha, voted in the Lok Sabha as a sitting MP. His lone vote against Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government proved decisive, toppling it by a single vote. Nitish’s current stance may be constitutionally sound, but in Indian politics, such technicalities often mask deeper churn. The real story, clearly, is still unfolding.

Arif Mohd. Khan to Dhaka!

The Modi government is seriously considering sending a senior political leader as India's envoy to Bangladesh. If this happens it will be a departure from precedent by considering a political figure for the post of high commissioner. The name doing the rounds is of Arif Mohammed Khan who was Governor of Bihar until a few weeks ago. His removal from the post surprised political circles as he was removed on the day it was decided that Nitish Kumar will quit as Chief Minister. Khan was last seen in the company of top RSS functionaries in Mathura recently.

There is also a talk that a Bengali-speaking envoy will be picked up. The choice of a new High Commissioner comes at a time of political transition in Bangladesh and Tarique Rahman becoming the new PM. The current Indian envoy Pranay Kumar Verma is retiring soon.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

A Quiet Exit, A Loud Loss

The BJP gained three extra Rajya Sabha seats across Assam, Odisha and Bihar — and then stumbled in Haryana, losing one by less than a vote. A statistical blip? Not quite. In politics, ghosts rarely stay buried. Just ask Jagdeep Dhankhar. Once elevated to the Vice President’s chair with much fanfare, Dhankhar’s abrupt exit turned him into what the party presumed was a closed chapter. No courtroom comeback (convention forbids it), no electoral rerun — politically mothballed. Or so it seemed.

But politics has a wicked sense of timing. Without contesting, campaigning, or even speaking, Dhankhar may have quietly swung a Rajya Sabha seat. The trail leads to Haryana — and to Abhay Chautala, heir to Devi Lal’s legacy. Dhankhar, post-resignation, has been staying at Chautala’s farmhouse — not as a guest, but almost as family. When the vote came, the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with its two MLAs, chose abstention over alignment. That silence spoke volumes. Had those votes tilted toward the BJP, the “lost” seat might have been secured.

This is where arithmetic meets emotion. Within BJP circles, unease is growing that the “Dhankhar factor” may not be a one-off. His unceremonious exit has reportedly ruffled Jat sentiment — not just in Haryana, but across Rajasthan and western Uttar Pradesh. The same community that once saw his elevation as symbolic empowerment now reads his fall as political discard. And in a region where caste equations often outvote campaign rhetoric, that perception can travel far.

The immediate loss? One Rajya Sabha seat. The potential cost? A slow, simmering political backlash. Because in Indian politics, it’s not always the loud exits that hurt — sometimes, it’s the quiet ones that echo the longest.

A mystery behind the coveted Bungalow 

For a man who once presided over proceedings with a firm hand, Jagdeep Dhankhar is now discovering that the real game begins after the chair is vacated. Nearly eight months after demitting office, the former Vice President is still waiting to step into his officially allotted Type-VIII bungalow at A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Road—prime Lutyens' Delhi real estate. The explanation? Renovations, technicalities, paperwork—pick your favourite bureaucratic alibi.

The irony is hard to miss. Here is a constitutional authority, once at the apex of the system, now navigating the same maze that ordinary mortals have long complained about. The allotment, we are told, happened months ago. The house, however, seems to be playing hide-and-seek—vacant, yet unavailable; allotted, yet not offered.

Even the formal letter of possession appears to be on an extended sabbatical. The ever-dependable Central Public Works Department is reportedly “working” on it—though what exactly is being worked on remains as elusive as the keys to the bungalow. Meanwhile, Dhankhar cools his heels at a private farmhouse, a temporary arrangement stretching into a long-term anecdote.

In the grand theatre of Delhi’s power corridors, this is less a housing delay and more a masterclass in how the system treats even its own veterans. Titles fade, protocols thin out, and the file—always the file—takes on a life of its own. For Dhankhar, the lesson is perhaps unexpected but unmistakable: in Delhi, you may enforce the rules once—but sooner or later, you must also endure them.

Nitish Going Nowhere: Health Concerns Aside

Despite persistent whispers over frail health and an impending transition, Nitish Kumar is signaling one thing with unmistakable clarity: he is not exiting Bihar’s political stage anytime soon. His move to retain the Janata Dal (United) presidency, even as he prepares to shift to the Rajya Sabha, is less a retreat and more a recalibration. The message within the NDA ecosystem is clear—Nitish may step aside from the chief minister’s chair, but not from the levers of power. Party insiders concede that his role in choosing a successor will be decisive. The name of Samrat Chaudhary is doing the rounds, but the final word rests with Nitish. His repeated public endorsements of the deputy chief minister are being read as both grooming and gate keeping.

Equally telling is the calibrated emergence of Nishant Kumar. Once shielded from politics, the younger Kumar is now being positioned as a future stakeholder—an evolution that underscores Nitish’s intent to shape the post-him era without surrendering control.

For the BJP, this arrangement offers continuity without confrontation. For the JDU, it ensures that its social coalition—particularly the Luv-Kush axis—remains anchored to a familiar pivot. By shifting roles rather than relinquishing relevance, he is crafting a soft landing that keeps him firmly at the centre of Bihar’s power matrix. Watch out for the new Assembly Speaker too.  

A Shake-Up, Finally

The long-whispered churn in the BJP ecosystem is edging from speculation to schedule. By May, a calibrated shake-up across party, government and its wider power grid now looks imminent. The timing is hardly accidental. A short Parliament session — expected to clear the politically loaded women’s reservation and delimitation bills — will give the government both momentum and manoeuvring room. With the current West Asia turbulence likely to cool by then, the stage could be set for a reset in New Delhi.

Inside the party, the organisational reshuffle has been on hold ever since Nitin Nabin took charge. That pause now appears tactical. A round of musical chairs is in the works: some ministers may be redeployed to strengthen the party apparatus, while fresh faces could be drafted into the Union Council.

At the centre of it all is Narendra Modi, who is set to complete two years of his third term in May — a natural inflection point for course correction. A cabinet reshuffle is expected, with performance, caste calculus and electoral signaling all in play. The possible entry of Nitish Kumar into the Union Cabinet adds another layer of intrigue. If executed well, this won’t just be a reshuffle — it could be a strategic reboot ahead of the next political curve.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

The Elite Lose Sleep

Ever since Narendra Modi took office, India’s bureaucracy has been jolted out of its comfort zone. The Prime Minister’s relentless work ethic—often stretching close to 20 hours a day—has steadily reset expectations across ministries. While most departments felt the shift early, the traditionally insulated elite of the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) managed to glide through with limited disruption, barring brief pressure spells during episodes like “Operation Sindoor.”

That insulation is now gone. A complex global crisis—one India is not party to, yet cannot escape—has dragged the Ministry of External Affairs into an unforgiving, high-velocity environment. At the centre is the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), operating in overdrive and demanding real-time responsiveness. For a service steeped in protocol and process, the change has been stark.

Take a recent instance: as tensions escalated overseas, the PMO sought an urgent conversation with a key global leader. What would earlier take hours—if not a full day—through diplomatic channels, was compressed into minutes. Senior IFS officials were on the phone past midnight, scrambling across time zones to secure the line. The old rhythm of calibrated diplomacy is giving way to a results-driven, time-bound approach. With conversations spanning time zones, officials are clocking 18–20 hour workdays, matching the tempo set at the top. A slight delay invited direct calls from the PMO, seeking explanations. This is the new normal.

This round-the-clock culture is unprecedented for the MEA. It marks a shift from ceremonial diplomacy to mission-mode execution, where delivery trumps decorum. For India’s blue-blood diplomatic corps, long accustomed to measured pace and hierarchy, the message is unmistakable: adapt or be left behind. The elite, it seems, are finally losing sleep.

Rahul’s Scripted Politics, Unscripted Damage

People often ask who writes Rahul Gandhi’s speeches. The stock answer: elite aides from Harvard and Oxford. But speechwriters are universal—from the Prime Minister downwards. The real question is judgment, not drafting. Rahul is widely seen as fearless, honest, and unbending before the government. Fair enough. But elections aren’t won on virtue alone. If they were, Communist parties—equally vocal and combative—would dominate everywhere. Winning demands political instinct and sustained grind, where Rahul still appears wanting.

His latest remark in Lucknow, at an event marking Kanshi Ram’s birth anniversary, underscores the problem. He said that if Jawaharlal Nehru hadn’t existed, Kanshi Ram would have become Chief Minister. The statement lands as both careless and condescending. Kanshi Ram didn’t need Congress patronage—he built his own movement and installed Mayawati as Uttar Pradesh CM multiple times through sheer political engineering. The remark also exposes a dated strategy: revive the Nehru-era Congress coalition of Dalits, Muslims, and Brahmins. That arithmetic no longer holds. In fact, it invites scrutiny—how many Dalit CMs did Congress actually produce?

The answer is uncomfortable. Despite governing widely, Congress elevated only a handful of Dalit chief ministers. The most recent was Charanjit Singh Channi in Punjab. Even the BJP has yet to appoint one. Nehru ruled for 17 years and produced just one Dalit CM. Against that record, invoking him to elevate Kanshi Ram rings hollow. For Rahul Gandhi, the takeaway is simple: less rhetoric, more rigour. Loose lines don’t just miss the mark—they damage credibility. Mallikarjun Kharge once thought of broaching the subject with Rahul Gandhi. But couldn't muster the courage, say sources.

From Parliament to ‘Tapori’: When Politics Goes Bambaiya

Indian politics briefly took a detour into Mumbai street slang after Kangana Ranaut decided to label Rahul Gandhi a “tapori”—a word more at home in Bollywood banter than parliamentary discourse. The remark raised eyebrows, not least because “tapori” doesn’t quite feature in standard political vocabulary. For the uninitiated, it loosely translates to a street-smart vagabond—part rogue, part charmer, and occasionally a cinematic hero. Think less policy paper, more Rangeela energy.

Predictably, the backlash was swift. The Congress ignored it. But Priyanka Chaturvedi stepped in with a pointed rebuttal, calling the comment “wrong” and gently reminding critics of Gandhi’s public positioning on women’s issues—while also noting the irony of targeting someone from a lineage known for its women leaders.

But the real curiosity is linguistic. “Tapori,” with its roots in Marathi street culture, once described flamboyant, mischievous young men loitering around Mumbai’s tapris. Over time, Bollywood polished the edges, turning the term into something almost aspirational—a badge of rebellious cool.

Which perhaps explains the confusion. Insult, caricature, or accidental compliment? In today’s politics, even street slang can briefly steal the national spotlight.

A Tale of Two Cases

The recent closure of the Sterling Biotech case involving the Sandesara brothers who fled the country in 2017 —Nitin and Chetan—has drawn attention to the fine balance between legal closure and public perception. The settlement, approved by the Supreme Court of India, allows for a payment of ₹5,100 crore as “full and final” resolution between the promoters, lending banks and investigative agencies. On paper, it brings closure. In practice, it raises questions. Sterling Biotech’s total dues were estimated at nearly ₹19,400 crore. Yet, roughly a quarter of that amount has been accepted to settle not just civil liabilities but also accompanying criminal proceedings. The allegations by agencies included complex financial irregularities and the use of 200 shell entities. The settlement, therefore, marks a legal endpoint, though not without discomfort within banking circles.

Contrast this with the case of Vijay Mallya. His liabilities, pegged at a little over ₹6,000 crore, stemmed largely from the collapse of his Kingfisher airline business rather than proven fraud at the time of default. Having left India in 2016, he was later declared a fugitive. Since then, recovery agencies claim to have realised over ₹14,000 crore through asset seizures—well above the principal. Yet, with interest accruals, his dues are still treated as unsettled, hovering near ₹20,000 crore.

Two cases, two outcomes—both legally sanctioned, yet starkly divergent. The contrast underlines the complexities of financial justice, where recovery, culpability and closure do not always align in ways that appear intuitive.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Reservation by Raffle? Parliament May Try Its Luck

Indian democracy has tried many innovations, but the latest idea doing the rounds in Delhi could easily pass for political satire: deciding women’s reserved seats in the Lok Sabha by lottery. Yes, a lottery. Not the kind that changes your life overnight, but one that could determine which parliamentary constituencies out of 543 will be reserved for women when the 33 per cent quota possibly kicks in 2029.

The discussion stems from a practical problem. The landmark Nari Shakti Vandan Act, passed with great fanfare in 2023, says the reservation will come into force only after the census and the delimitation of constituencies. The census process has finally been notified and, if schedules hold, the data may emerge by late 2027. Once the census numbers are out, a Delimitation Commission will have to redraw constituency boundaries which will take another two years if not more. The political dilemma is how to implement women’s reservation before the 2029 election without waiting for delimitation to finish.

Enter the lottery idea. If delimitation is delayed, one option being discussed is to temporarily delink the reservation from the boundary exercise and allocate the required constituencies through a draw of lots. The proposal is still in the realm of speculation. Opposition parties have already suggested separating reservation from the census–delimitation cycle. Meanwhile, signals of a “significant bill” have come from Kiren Rijiju, though details remain under wraps. If the idea gains traction, India’s electoral politics could soon face a curious spectacle—where the path to Parliament may depend not just on campaigning, alliances and strategy, but also on the luck of the draw.

‘Rarest of the Rare’: The Three-Minute Video Saga

The detention of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk under the National Security Act may well enter legal folklore as a “rarest of the rare” episode — not because the law was invoked, but because a three-minute video began to unravel the government’s case. The drama unfolded in the Supreme Court when the bench of Justices Aravind Kumar and P. B. Varale began probing the basis of Wangchuk’s detention. At the heart of the case was his speech delivered during protests in Leh.

But the court noticed something odd. The government’s translation of Wangchuk’s speech ran for nearly seven to eight minutes. The original video, however, lasted barely three minutes. The bench was quick to flag the mismatch. “How can a three-minute speech have a seven-minute translation?” the judges asked, making it clear that they wanted the actual transcript rather than the government’s interpretation.

The turning point came when the court said it would watch the video itself. The Centre was asked to submit the footage cited in the detention order on a pen drive so the judges could verify the speech first-hand. That single decision changed the complexion of the case. The government began seeking adjournments. At one stage, the hearing was deferred after the law officer informed the bench that Tushar Mehta was unwell and needed time to respond.

But before the judges could actually sit down to watch the video, the Centre quietly revoked the detention order. And that is what makes the episode “rarest of the rare”, legal luminaries say. A preventive-detention case that began collapsing the moment the court insisted on seeing the three-minute video behind the seven-minute translation.

Erasing Lutyens from Delhi!

The transformation of India’s power corridor may be heading for its boldest phase yet. After unveiling the new Parliament House and pushing ahead with a vast executive complex, the government is now looking at a sweeping redesign of the entire Central Vista and large parts of Lutyens’ Delhi.

At the heart of the plan is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ambition to modernize the core of the capital. The next target is to gradually move all departments into modern integrated multi-storied complexes that can accommodate thousands of officials under one roof and even VIP bungalows. The ripple effects could extend well beyond government offices. Several colonial-era bungalow clusters across Lutyens’ Delhi are now under scrutiny. Hundreds of Houses around the Race Course Road and area in Lutyens Delhi have reportedly received eviction notices as authorities explore building multi-storeyed accommodation for MPs and even ministers.

The redevelopment footprint could also cover institutions such as the Press Club of India, the Indian Women’s Press Corps, key institutions and the elite Delhi Gymkhana Club. If the plan unfolds fully, the quiet bungalow capital designed by Edwin Lutyens may slowly give way to a dense, modern government district. Supporters call it long-overdue modernization. Critics have a sharper phrase for it: the steady erasing of Lutyens from Delhi. His bust has already gone.

Who After Harivansh? Deputy Chairman Race Gets Tricky

With Harivansh Narayan Singh set to retire as Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, a question has surfaced in the corridors of power: who will occupy the chair next? At one stage, there was speculation that the BJP was keen on sending him back for a third term. But Nitish Kumar’s party chose otherwise, and the BJP did little to intervene — a political fate not very different from what earlier befell R. C. P. Singh, once a minister in the Modi government.

By convention, the post could again go to the JD(U), but the party’s options appear limited. Among its Rajya Sabha MPs, Ram Nath Thakur, son of socialist icon Karpoori Thakur, is already serving as a minister. The party’s working president Sanjay Jha is reportedly uninterested, while others are not seen as strong contenders. This leaves the NDA looking beyond JD(U). Could the post go to an ally such as Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam Party, or perhaps to representatives of Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena or Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party faction?

Earlier, the government had even explored offering the position to neutral, issue-based supporters like the BJD. That option now appears politically unviable. For the NDA leadership, what should have been a routine parliamentary appointment has quietly turned into a delicate exercise in coalition management. The Lok Sabha is already without a Deputy Speaker. Will the Rajya Sabha witness the same in the days to come!