by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

BJP CMs Under the Glare

Even as Prime Minister Narendra Modi finalises the contours of his impending Cabinet reshuffle, whispers in the corridors of power suggest that changes may not be confined to Delhi alone. Leadership changes in a few BJP-ruled states are also being actively discussed.

A couple of chief ministers are facing allegations ranging from corruption to administrative inefficiency. In Uttarakhand, the Ankita Bhandari murder case continues to cast a long shadow over the government. In Arunachal Pradesh, Chief Minister Pema Khandu has come under scrutiny after the Supreme Court ordered a CBI probe in a case linked to him. Another BJP chief minister from a key northern state, who was elevated unexpectedly, is also facing criticism over allegations of favouritism and poor governance.

Interestingly, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has himself expressed a desire to play a role in national politics. Another senior BJP chief minister had remarked that he wished to serve one final term before accepting any assignment the party entrusted to him.

The BJP's record under Modi shows that no chief minister is indispensable. Since 2014, the party's central leadership has replaced at least 11 BJP chief ministers. B. S. Yediyurappa in Karnataka, Vijay Rupani in Gujarat and Biplab Kumar Deb in Tripura all stepped down before completing their terms.

Uttarakhand witnessed perhaps the most dramatic churn. Trivendra Singh Rawat was replaced by Tirath Singh Rawat in March 2021, who himself resigned within four months, paving the way for Pushkar Singh Dhami. Even Dhami is now under political scrutiny.

After the BJP's emphatic victory in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Shivraj Singh Chouhan was replaced by Mohan Yadav, who is now battling controversies of his own. Manohar Lal Khattar resigned as Haryana chief minister in March 2024 to make way for Nayab Singh Saini before moving to the Union Cabinet. Earlier, Sarbananda Sonowal made a similar transition from Assam to the Centre, while Anandiben Patel and Raghubar Das were accommodated as governors.

As Modi 3.0 settles in, the message from the BJP remains unchanged: performance, perception and political utility—not tenure—determine longevity in office.

Who gets on Board: Fadnavis or Yogi?

With Nitin Nabin taking over as BJP president, the 12-member Parliamentary Board, highest decision-making body though on paper as many say, may also be reconstituted. Besides BJP president Nitin Nabin, PM Modi, past presidents Rajnath Singh, Amit Shah and J.P. Nadda are its members besides B L Santosh, general secretary (Organisation). Nitin Gadkari was dropped for some unexplained reasons. Former chief ministers B.S. Yediyurappa and Sarbananda Sonowal were inducted as a consolation after being removed as Chief Ministers. The logic of inclusion of Iqbal Singh Lalpura, Sudha Yadav, K. Laxman, and Satyanarayana Jatiya were never explained either.

It is said that the board may be reconstituted. Interestingly, despite the BJP governing 16 states, not a single sitting Chief Minister has a place on the Board — a sharp contrast to the era when Shivraj Singh Chouhan held Board membership while serving as Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister.

There is a buzz that Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Yogi Adityanath may be brought in. Fadnavis is already a member of BJP's Central Election Committee. With Punjab in focus, some changes are expected.

Is Sujata the Heir to Naveen Babu?

Political circles in Odisha are agog with reports that Biju Janata Dal (BJD) supremo and former Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik is projecting his close aide's wife, Sujata Raut Karthikeyan, as his successor.

She is the wife of former IAS officer V.K. Pandian who was perceived as Naveen's successor before the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. The BJP had built a narrative that Naveen Patnaik was grooming a "Tamil outsider" as his political successor which inflicted considerable political damage to the BJD.

After the electoral setback, Pandian retreated from the political limelight while his wife, Sujata Raut Karthikeyan, gradually emerged on the scene. A former IAS officer herself, Sujata is widely credited with conceptualising and implementing the Naveen Patnaik government's flagship women's empowerment initiative. She later resigned from the civil services.

Sujata has now formally joined the BJD. V.K. Pandian, had already stepped away from active politics after the election. Within BJD circles, there is growing speculation that Sujata could become the party's new public face and eventually emerge as Naveen Patnaik's political successor.

Interestingly, reports surfaced recently that Patnaik's

nephew nor other close relatives are keen to enter active politics. That has reportedly compelled the veteran leader to look beyond the family in his search for a political heir.

Cracks in the Iron Discipline!

For over a decade, the BJP prided itself on something its rivals could never match—iron discipline. Under Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, secrecy became institutional. Decisions were tightly guarded, dissent rarely escaped party walls, and adverse media coverage was swiftly countered, if not prevented altogether.

But the script appears to be changing.

A string of politically damaging stories has recently found its way into the public domain, prompting whispers that the BJP may be developing the very affliction it once mocked the Congress for—internal sabotage. Party insiders point to the land controversy involving Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav, the subsidy row surrounding Rajasthan MP and Union Minister of State Bhagirath Choudhary, and the sustained political heat on Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. None of these stories, they say, could have surfaced without help from within. The fact that such reports have appeared in mainstream media has only fuelled speculation that the party's once-impenetrable information firewall is weakening.

Whether these are isolated power struggles or the early symptoms of a larger factional churn remains to be seen.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

Classic Bipartisan 'Daylight Dacoity'

The BJP will now focus on dislodging the Congress-ruled Karnataka government in the Assembly polls. But insiders say that Karnataka has been one of those states where political parties are hand-in-glove with each other to share the booty. Recently,  the Karnataka High Court,  in a blistering set of rulings, has indicted not just policy, but politics—calling out successive governments for what it described as “daylight dacoity” in acquiring farmers’ land and handing it to private players. This may be the story in neighbouring Maharashtra too once upon a time. But karnataka caught the bull by the horn.

One of the sharpest observations came in a case dating back to 2001, when land was acquired—ostensibly for an IT park—but allegedly ended up benefiting a gutka-linked company. At the time, Karnataka was under the Congress government led by S. M. Krishna. The court tore into the process, questioning how “public purpose” was stretched to favour private interests.

The pattern, the court noted, did not end there. In subsequent years, under governments led by the BJP as well as the Janata Dal (Secular) in coalition phases, similar acquisitions continued—often benefiting real estate developers. In one such case, the court said bluntly that taking land from farmers only to pass it on to private builders amounts to “dacoity by the state.”

The most startling instance involved an acquisition cleared in just 18 days—during a later BJP regime. The court quashed it outright, calling it a “shocking abuse of power” and a complete subversion of due process. What emerges is a damning bipartisan indictment. The message from the bench is unambiguous: regime may change, but if the model of land acquisition remains exploitative, it will not pass judicial scrutiny.

Smriti hopes to get back Into the Spotlight

Politics, like television, loves a comeback story. And few understand that better than Smriti Irani. Ever since her shock defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, Irani had largely disappeared from the political headlines. Once among the BJP's most visible and combative faces, she seemed to have slipped into a prolonged intermission—returning to television acting while quietly handling organizational responsibilities in Delhi.

But fortune knocked again when the Modi government stumbled in Parliament over bills linked to the early implementation of women's reservation. Suddenly, the BJP needed a credible and articulate face on the issue. Irani, a former women and child development minister, fit the bill perfectly. Television studios quickly rediscovered her. The BJP put her up for a high-profile press conference a day after the government's setback.

The revival did not stop there. Fluent in Bengali and an effective crowd-puller, Irani was dispatched to West Bengal as a star campaigner. Her return to centre stage is also notable because newer BJP favourites, such as Rekha Gupta and Kangana Ranaut, have lately been grabbing much of the spotlight. For now, Irani appears to have moved from political exile to political standby—waiting in the wings, but no longer out of the frame.

Why the BJP Can't Crack the SP Fortress

For months now, BJP leaders in UP have been predicting an imminent split in the Samajwadi Party (SP). Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya has claimed that as many as 25-26 SP MPs are ready to walk out. BJP ally Om Prakash Rajbhar has gone even further, daring Akhilesh Yadav to "save his Mps." Yet the much-talked-about rebellion remains elusive.

On paper, the SP appears vulnerable. It has 37 Lok Sabha MPs and only four Rajya Sabha members. Several of its MPs face serious criminal cases, and any conviction carrying a sentence of more than two years could cost them their parliamentary memberships. In many other parties, such pressures might have triggered defections long ago.

So why is the BJP finding it difficult to engineer a split? The answer lies in political arithmetic rather than legal vulnerability. Unlike many regional parties that have suffered setbacks, the SP remains the principal opposition force in Uttar Pradesh. Its MPs were elected on the back of a strong anti-BJP vote and understand that their political future is closely tied to Akhilesh Yadav's fortunes. Defection may offer short-term security, but it risks political irrelevance in constituencies where voters continue to see the SP as the BJP's main challenger.

There is another factor. The SP's parliamentary contingent may not be ideologically cohesive, but it is united by a common fear: crossing over to the BJP could alienate the party's core Yadav-Muslim support base and damage local credibility. The BJP's success in breaking parties elsewhere has usually come after electoral decline. The Trinamool Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) faced turbulence after political setbacks. The SP, however, is still seen by its cadre as a party on the rise ahead of the 2027 Assembly election.

That is why, despite daily rumours and public predictions, the "split" remains more a political narrative than a political reality.

BJP Draws a Red Line Around Pradhan

The coming Monsoon Session promises to be stormy, with Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan emerging as the Opposition's chosen target. If the Opposition has decided to corner him over examination controversies, the BJP has made it equally clear that there will be no sacrificial offering.

The political messaging is unmistakable. Even as demands for Pradhan's resignation gather momentum, Prime Minister Narendra Modi publicly wished the minister on his birthday—a gesture widely interpreted within BJP circles as a vote of confidence and a signal that the leadership is firmly behind him.

Opposition parties, student organisations and activists are sharpening their attack over alleged irregularities in the NEET-UG examination, paper leaks and the functioning of the National Testing Agency. The Opposition sees the issue as an opportunity to paint the government as insensitive to the anxieties of millions of students and parents. The BJP, however, appears in no mood to blink. The result is a classic monsoon confrontation: an emboldened Opposition demanding accountability and a determined government refusing to surrender an inch.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

The Logic Behind Modi's Quest for Numbers

Ever since the BJP was reduced to 240 seats in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, the party leadership has worked relentlessly to strengthen its numbers in Parliament. Political observers often ask why the BJP appears determined to expand its footprint in both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha when the NDA already enjoys a comfortable majority and the Opposition remains divided.

The answer may lie less in the present and more in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's reading of political history. Modi has witnessed first-hand the vulnerabilities of coalition governments. As a senior BJP leader in Delhi, he saw the fall of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's government by a single vote in April 1999. The episode left a deep impression on the BJP leadership. Despite accommodating allies and negotiating till the very end, Vajpayee could not prevent the collapse of his government.

Modi also watched the turbulent years of Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, whose minority government survived from 1991 to 1996 only through constant political firefighting. Rao faced repeated no-confidence motions and relied on shifting parliamentary equations to stay afloat. The controversies that followed became a cautionary tale for future leaders.

For Modi, political stability is not merely desirable; it is essential. He believes governments should not be hostage to the whims of allies or vulnerable to sudden shifts in parliamentary arithmetic. A strong majority provides room for long-term policy making and shields the government from uncertainty. This helps explain the BJP's relentless pursuit of electoral expansion. Whether through victories in state elections, attracting leaders from rival parties, or widening its social base, the objective remains the same: secure a commanding presence in Parliament.

Critics may question the methods, but the strategic goal is clear. Modi wants the BJP to be strong enough to govern without dependence on unpredictable allies. In that sense, the slogan "400 Paar" is not merely an election cry. It reflects a larger political doctrine shaped by the lessons of India's coalition era.

Macron's Magic Touch for Modi

Diplomacy is often about protocol. Sometimes, it is about friendship. At the recent G7 Summit, Modi appeared to enjoy the best of both worlds. Though India is not a permanent member of the G7 club, Modi found himself in the front row and, more intriguingly, frequently alongside Donald Trump — a spot many leaders would envy.

The secret, insiders whisper, was not merely India's growing global heft but Modi's personal chemistry with French President Emmanuel Macron, the summit host. Macron's warmth was visible throughout, but the grand finale stole the show. As Modi wrapped up his visit, Macron bid him farewell in Hindi, addressing him as "Priya Mitra Narendra." In a world where diplomatic notes are carefully scripted, Macron's Hindi sign-off was a reminder that personal equations can sometimes achieve what official protocols cannot.

The same was in full glare when Modi and Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni exchanged jokes as they arrived for the customary group photograph in Evian-les-Bains and shared a light-hearted moment. A video showed Modi joking about their popularity on social media platforms. A mic captured Ms Meloni’s response more clearly as she said: “Yes, we’re the most famous couple on Instagram.” This sparked a wave of memes, fan edits, viral posts, and an online trend, “Melodi”, a portmanteau of their surnames.

Birthday Bonhomie: A Rare Political Thaw?

As the Monsoon Session approaches, signs of an unexpected political thaw are emerging in Delhi. As Rahul Gandhi turns 56, warm wishes poured in not just from allies but also from the ruling establishment. Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the greetings, followed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, who personally called the Leader of Opposition. Those familiar with the conversation say the exchange was unusually cordial. Birla reportedly told Rahul that he had watched one of his videos during a recent visit to Kota, his parliamentary constituency.

The most entertaining exchange, however, was with Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju. Responding to Rijiju's birthday wishes on X, Rahul quipped: "When are we doing our jiu-jitsu session?" Rijiju promptly replied that he was ready, but would not allow a "force submission," cheekily explaining the finer points of the martial art.

The mood may be friendly for now. Whether this birthday bonhomie survives the heat and turbulence of the Monsoon Session is another matter altogether.

A CM Who Can't Stop Stepping on Landmines

Telangana Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy is fast becoming a one-man controversy factory. In the space of just a few weeks, he has managed to eulogise Adolf Hitler, name a road after Donald Trump, and invite a sharp rebuke from his own party — all while his Congress high command looked the other way.

First came the Hitler moment. Reddy invoked the Nazi dictator while defending his anti-encroachment agency HYDRAA, claiming it worked like Hitler's feared assassination squad "Hydra." There was just one problem — Hitler never had any such team. "Hydra" is, in fact, a fictional terrorist organisation from Marvel Comics. So Telangana's Chief Minister was, in effect, citing a supervillain outfit to justify a government agency. You couldn't make it up.

Then came "Donald Trump Avenue" — the name his government chose for a road adjoining the US Consulate in Hyderabad. The BJP and the CPM, rarely on the same page, found rare common ground in slamming the decision and demanded it be withdrawn. The Congress high command, true to form, said nothing.

Adding spice to the saga, Reddy was summoned to Delhi for a meeting with Rahul Gandhi — but not over Hitler or Trump. The real fire was over the leaked rejection of Meenakshi Natarajan's Rajya Sabha nomination papers, sabotaged by someone within his own party in Telangana. Rahul, who had personally backed Natarajan, is said to be furious.

For Revanth Reddy, the storms aren't letting up — and most of them appear to be self-made.

Tailpiece: The BJP rolled out the red carpet when seven AAP Rajya Sabha MPs switched sides — hailing them as Punjab game-changers. But when Amit Shah sat down with BJP leaders to actually plan the Punjab polls in Delhi, all seven were conspicuous by their absence. Celebrated at the door, forgotten inside the room.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

"No Glucose" for the Akalis — Shah's Punjab Power Play

The BJP's Punjab unit arrived in Delhi hoping for clarity on a possible alliance with the Akali Dal. What they got instead was a blunt message from Home Minister Amit Shah: the BJP is not in the business of administering "glucose" to anyone. Known for speaking his mind without diplomatic cushioning, Shah reportedly dismissed speculation about reviving the old BJP-Akali partnership ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. When party leaders raised the alliance question, Shah's response was short and sharp: prepare to fight all 117 seats.

The remarks also validate growing indications that Punjab has moved to the top of Shah's political agenda. After investing heavily in West Bengal, the BJP's master strategist is now turning his attention to a state where the party has historically lacked an independent footprint.

This column had flagged it on May 27, 2026 — post-West Bengal, Shah's cross hairs would swing to Punjab. That prediction has now walked into a conference room and taken a seat at the table. 

For decades, the BJP played junior partner to the Akalis. That era is over. At a marathon closed-door strategy session in the Capital, attended by senior central leaders including BJP president Nitin Navin, Shah outlined an ambitious road map. The immediate target is to raise the party's vote share from around 19 per cent in 2024 to 28–30%. That's not incremental growth — that's a political land grab. The era of political oxygen for allies is ending. In Punjab, the BJP wants to breathe on its own.

Can Mamata Be Compared with Indira Gandhi?

Reports suggesting that former West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee may be losing control of the TMC have revived memories of one of Indian politics' most remarkable stories of survival—that of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The comparison has obvious limits. Indira Gandhi led a national party and governed India, while Mamata's influence remains largely regional. Yet the parallels are striking.

Indira Gandhi was effectively thrown out of her own party twice. The first time came in 1969, when she clashed with the Congress old guard, known as the Syndicate, over the presidential election. Defying the party leadership, she backed Vice-President V.V. Giri against the Syndicate's nominee, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy. Giri's victory triggered a split between Congress (R), led by her, and Congress (O), led by the old guard. Indira took her battle directly to the people. Her "Garibi Hatao" campaign transformed the 1971 Lok Sabha election into a referendum. She won a landslide, while the Syndicate faded into irrelevance.

The second expulsion came after her darkest political moment. Following the Emergency and the Congress defeat in 1977, party leadership expelled Indira Gandhi. Undeterred, she formed Congress (I). Within two years, she was back in power as Prime Minister.

This history is worth recalling as a rebel faction reportedly seeks control of the TMC, arguing that it represents the "real" party. But do the claimants of “Real TMC” have a leader like Mamata- a street fighter? Whether Mamata can emulate Indira's remarkable comebacks remains uncertain. But Indian political history offers one enduring lesson: losing control of a party does not necessarily mean losing the support of the people.

How War Turned Into a Bonanza for Bihar

For a state that barely figures on India's industrial map, Bihar had quietly emerged as an ethanol powerhouse. More than two dozen ethanol plants were operational producing over 50 crore litres of ethanol annually. Then came the crisis. In late 2025, Bihar's ethanol dream appeared headed for collapse. Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) slashed procurement from the state's grain-based distilleries by nearly 50 percent, preferring sugar-based ethanol. Industry leaders complained that investments worth thousands of crores had been made on assurances of full procurement.

Since ethanol could be sold only to petroleum companies due to prohibition policy, producers had no alternative market. Many blamed prohibition driven Gujarat's sugar-based ethanol industry for cornering a larger share of OMC orders. Plants shut down in Bihar, jobs were threatened, and fears of bankruptcy spread across the sector.

Then geopolitics intervened. The conflict in West Asia sent global energy markets into turmoil, forcing India to intensify its search for domestically produced fuel alternatives. Suddenly, Bihar's idle ethanol capacity became a strategic asset. For Bihar's ethanol producers, a distant war has delivered an unexpected windfall.

Squatting in Lutyens

The Congress has a new home. But it refuses to leave the old one. Indira Bhavan on Kotla Marg is officially the party's new headquarters. Shiny. Renamed. Re-branded. Yet, deep in the heart of Lutyens' Delhi, 24, Akbar Road still hums with Congress life — frontal organisations, party cells, and the quiet comfort of being just a stone's throw from Sonia Gandhi's fortress at 10, Janpath.

Old habits. Old addresses. Old power.

The party's defence? Classic Congress deflection — "But the BJP does it too!" Point noted: 11, Ashoka Road still runs BJP departments. Fair enough. But the bungalow stands in the name of an MP. Except Congress isn't just arguing parity — it's arguing permanence. And here's where the plot thickens. 24, Akbar Road is a Type-VIII government bungalow. It can't just be wished into Congress hands — someone has to formally hold it. And that's where the arithmetic gets awkward.

Sonia Gandhi? Already has 10 Janpath.  Rahul Gandhi? Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha — official bungalow, sorted. Kharge? Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha — accommodation, sorted. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra? Security-cover bungalow — sorted.

So who holds 24, Akbar Road? Digvijaya Singh? Retired. Some long-serving MP or ex-CM minister? Possible — but there is none. Spoiler: don't hold your breath.

The Modi government holds the last card. And handing Congress a prime Lutyens address on a silver platter isn't exactly on their agenda. 24, Akbar Road may have Congress's soul. But the keys? That's another matter entirely.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

The Emergence of a New Rahul Gandhi

The smooth elevation of V.D. Satheesan in Kerala and D.K. Shivakumar in Karnataka as Chief Ministers has earned the Congress leader Rahul Gandhi praise from within the party, with many veterans crediting him for decisive yet understated political management. In Kerala, Rahul Gandhi surprised many by backing Satheesan for the top post despite widespread speculation that he favoured his close confidant K.C. Venugopal. The decision demonstrated a willingness to prioritize political considerations over personal equations. In Karnataka, his role in facilitating Siddaramaiah's orderly exit and ensuring a peaceful transfer of power to Shivakumar was viewed as a rare example of successful succession management in a party often plagued by factional battles.

However, Congress insiders argue that the transformation began much earlier. For years, Rahul Gandhi was perceived as a leader who listened patiently to senior colleagues and to Sonia Gandhi, often accepting collective decisions while bearing the political brunt. Yet, he decided to draw a line on May 6 when he abruptly severed ties with the DMK and aligned the Congress with Vijay's TVK in Tamil Nadu.

The move sent shock waves through political circles. Critics accused him of betraying a long-standing ally, but insiders maintain that Rahul had been advocating a break with the DMK well before the Assembly elections. His advice was set aside after intense lobbying by the DMK leadership. Having accepted the decision, Rahul moved swiftly once the results were declared. The subsequent leadership choices in Kerala and Karnataka reinforced the impression that he was now exercising authority more assertively. After setbacks over leadership transitions in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh earlier, Rahul Gandhi appears determined not to repeat past mistakes. Another feather in the cap came when INDIA Bloc leaders agreed to hold their coordination committee meetings during parliament sessions in LoP room- Rahul Gandhi’s room. 

 Self-Inflicted Goals

Rahul Gandhi's greatest political challenge has often been his own tendency for unscripted remarks. While supporters praise his spontaneous style as evidence of authenticity, critics argue that it has repeatedly handed opponents easy opportunities to put him on the defensive. The most significant fallout came from his 2019 "Modi surname" remark, which eventually led to his conviction in a defamation case and temporary disqualification from Parliament. Over the years, several other comments have triggered legal complaints and political controversies, keeping him entangled in avoidable battles.

The BJP has been particularly effective in turning Gandhi's off-the-cuff observations into political ammunition. Remarks on Hindu society, caste dynamics, or the concentration of power within institutions have often been selectively amplified to portray him as divisive or disconnected from mainstream sentiment. Similarly, speeches delivered abroad have frequently been criticized by opponents as undermining India's democratic institutions on foreign soil.

The debate surrounding Rahul Gandhi ultimately boils down to authenticity versus political discipline. His informal style allows him to connect with audiences in a way scripted politicians often cannot. Yet the same spontaneity creates risks, enabling adversaries to focus on individual remarks crossing decorum rather than the broader message he seeks to convey. For a leader seeking national power, the challenge remains converting candour into credibility while avoiding the self-inflicted goals that have so often overshadowed his political campaigns.

When the ED Divides the Opposition 

It may sound odd, but true. Normally, a raid by the CBI or the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on an Opposition leader has a predictable effect: it brings Opposition parties together in a show of solidarity against political vendetta. In Kerala, however, the ED appears to have achieved the opposite.

The controversy revolves around T. Veena, daughter of former Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, and allegations linked to the financial dealings of her company, Exalogic, with Cochin Minerals and Rutile Ltd. The ED's investigation appeared to move slowly for months. Officially, sources attributed the delay to court orders. The issue nevertheless became a major campaign weapon for the Congress. Rahul Gandhi repeatedly attacked the CPI(M), alleging that the party had become a "pocket borough" of the BJP in Kerala.

The ED finally raided Veena's premises on May 26 and the CPI(M) workers vandalised ED vehicles claiming they came to defend Vijayan. But the former Chief Minister told reporters that ED officials did not question him. Yet CPI(M) general secretary M.A. Baby sharply criticised Rahul Gandhi for raising the issue during the election campaign. Insiders say the real story is not the divisions within the INDIA bloc but within the CPI(M) itself. Once dominated by its West Bengal leadership, the CPM's centre of gravity has shifted decisively to Kerala. The struggle over the party's future direction is increasingly visible—and the ED episode has only exposed those fault lines further.

BJP CMs under glare

With the Assembly polls over, the process of organisational changes in the BJP is underway. Whispers in the corridors of power suggest changes in leadership of some BJP-ruled states. A couple of chief ministers are facing allegations of corruption, inefficiency etc. If the Ankita Bhandari murder case controversy is refusing to die in Uttarakhand, Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Pema Khandu is in the line of fire after the Supreme Court ordered a CBI probe against him. There is a talk of Union Minister Kiran Rijiju replacing Prema Khandu. Another chief minister of a key North Indian state who was picked up from nowhere, is also in the line of fire due to his inefficiency.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

The Importance of Being Sergio Gor

For much of 2025, India found itself in the uncomfortable position of being both a strategic partner of the United States and a frequent target of public criticism from Washington. Whether it was India's purchase of Russian oil, trade imbalances, or tariff disputes, sharp comments from senior American officials—including President Donald Trump—had become almost routine.

Then came Sergio Gor. Long before he formally assumed office as the US Ambassador to India in January 2026, Gor had already signaled his importance. In a highly unusual move, he called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi in October 2025, months before presenting his credentials. The meeting was viewed in diplomatic circles as a clear indication that Gor enjoyed extraordinary access to the highest levels of the Trump administration.

Since his arrival, the tone of India-US engagement has undergone a noticeable shift. Public criticism of India from Washington has largely disappeared, replaced by a renewed emphasis on cooperation in trade, technology, defence and strategic affairs. Diplomats and observers alike credit Gor's unique standing within the White House for helping smooth several irritants that had clouded bilateral ties.

The ambassador has also emerged as one of the most visible American envoys in recent memory. Unlike many diplomats who operate quietly behind closed doors, Gor has maintained a high public profile through frequent media interactions and extensive travel across India. His outreach has extended well beyond New Delhi, encompassing meetings with regional leaders, business groups and civil society.

Attention is now focused on the next big question in the relationship: who visits whom first? While US Secretary of State Marco Rubio conveyed President Trump's invitation to Modi for a White House visit, New Delhi has remained non-committal. Many in diplomatic circles argue that protocol favours Trump visiting India first, possibly for the forthcoming Quad Leaders' Summit. As that debate unfolds, one thing is increasingly clear: in the current phase of India-US relations, the importance of being Mr. Gor cannot be overstated.

Who Should Educate Whom?

Few ministries have generated as much controversy under the Modi government as the Education Ministry. From Smriti Irani and Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank to the current incumbent, Dharmendra Pradhan, almost every Education Minister has found himself or herself under scrutiny over examination management, policy implementation, budgetary priorities, and reform delivery. Former minister Prakash Javadekar remains one of the few exceptions who largely escaped any major controversy.

The latest storm has erupted over the Centre's proposal to deploy the Indian Air Force (IAF) to transport question papers for the NEET-UG retest scheduled on June 21. What was intended as a confidence-building measure has instead triggered sharp criticism from opposition parties, education experts, and others. Critics argue that involving the IAF exposes the depth of the crisis rather than demonstrating administrative efficiency. They contend that the government is resorting to military logistics because it has failed to fix the systemic vulnerabilities within the National Testing Agency (NTA) forcing the cancellation of the May 3 test.

Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan himself acknowledged institutional lapses while confirming that the government was considering airlifting question papers directly from printing presses to secure centres across the country.

The move has reignited a larger debate: should one of the country's most trusted military institutions be pressed into service to compensate for shortcomings in a civilian examination system? Critics say the IAF's primary responsibility is safeguarding national security and the nation's borders—not rescuing an examination process repeatedly hit by allegations of leaks and mismanagement.

As the controversy grows, many are asking a pointed question: instead of deploying fighter-force precision, shouldn't the government first focus on repairing the credibility of the institutions?

Uncertainty Looms Over Lutyens’ Delhi Clubs

The Centre’s decision to reclaim the sprawling 27.3-acre Delhi Gymkhana Club may have got some temporary reprieve. But it has sent ripples across other such clubs located in the heart of Lutyens’ Delhi. With the government aggressively pushing ahead with its larger redevelopment vision, attention has now shifted to other clubs occupying prime public land. Among those under the scanner are the Delhi Golf Club, Press Club of India, Indian Women’s Press Corps and the Chelmsford Club on Raisina Road.

Both the Press Club of India and the Indian Women’s Press Corps have, in the past, received notices to vacate government-allotted premises. However, legal interventions, administrative delays and institutional push back helped them retain possession. With the Centre moving decisively on long-pending urban redevelopment projects, concerns are resurfacing. The redevelopment of the Central Vista construction plan is in full swing with the new Parliament building in place and the transformation of Kartavya Path underway. The latest move against Delhi Gymkhana Club is not an isolated action but part of a much larger reshaping of new power spaces in the capital. For many elite clubs in Lutyens’ Delhi, the message is unmistakable: old privileges may no longer be untouchable.

Congress' RS Puzzle in Madhya Pradesh

The race for the lone Rajya Sabha seat for Congress in Madhya Pradesh is turning out to be intriguing, with senior leader Digvijaya Singh opting out of the race. Singh has served two consecutive Rajya Sabha terms. Instead, Singh desired that the seat be given to a Dalit leader.

In politics, very few leaders are willingly stepping aside from the cozy club. But by doing so, Digvijaya Singh may actually have strengthened his influence over the selection of the incumbent. Insiders say that he has effectively blocked the prospects of former Chief Minister Kamal Nath or his son Nakul Nath who had lost the family stronghold of Chhindwara in the last Lok Sabha election.

Meanwhile, a new social-equity narrative is also emerging within the Congress. Political insiders believe the suggestion to nominate a Dalit leader for the seat will help the party in the Assembly polls and enhance the stature of Singh.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Amit Shah: Bengal Blitz to Mission Punjab

After scripting a historic breakthrough in West Bengal — long seen as one of the BJP’s toughest political frontiers — Union Home Minister Amit Shah is now believed to be turning his full attention towards Punjab. Within the BJP, there is growing buzz that Shah may personally oversee the party’s campaign and organisational strategy in the border state ahead of next year’s Assembly elections. Though Sunil Bansal was formally entrusted with handling West Bengal, party insiders acknowledge that Amit Shah himself played the central role in steering the campaign. Shah reportedly camped nearly a fortnight in the state during the elections, closely monitoring booth-level management and political outreach. The BJP leadership now appears keen to replicate a similar high-intensity model in Punjab.

While Assembly elections are also due in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur, the BJP already heads governments in these states. Punjab, however, presents a different political challenge. For decades, the BJP largely played second fiddle to its former ally, the Shiromani Akali Dal. The party is now determined to emerge as an independent pole of politics in the state. The first major signal came a couple of years ago with the appointment of senior former Congress leader Sunil Jakhar as the BJP’s Punjab chief. Since then, several prominent leaders from the Congress and other parties, including former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh and Ravneet Singh Bittu have either joined or aligned with the BJP. Bittu was later inducted into the Union Ministry. 

The BJP’s aggressive expansion strategy is now in full swing with defections of seven Rajya Sabha Mps from the Aam Aadmi Party. The “Open arm” policy will be visible from the AAP, Congress and the Akali Dal as the Assembly polls draw closer. 

In Search of a Punjab Face

As the BJP sharpens its strategy for the high-stakes Punjab Assembly elections, intense speculation is underway over whether the party will project a Chief Ministerial face or fight under the towering shadow of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

For decades, the BJP was perceived in Punjab largely as an urban, non-Sikh Hindu party and remained dependent on its ally, the SAD. But party leaders believe the political landscape has changed significantly. Over the years, the BJP has quietly expanded its social base, bringing into its fold influential Sikh leaders, Dalit faces, Jat Sikh representatives and leaders from multiple caste groups.

The latest buzz centres around senior advocate and noted human rights activist H. S. Phoolka, whose entry into the BJP after his stint with the AAP has fueled speculation that he could emerge as a prominent face for the party in Punjab. However, BJP insiders insist the party is unlikely to officially declare any Chief Ministerial candidate. Instead, the elections are expected to be fought largely around Modi’s leadership, governance plank and national appeal, with the Prime Minister remaining the BJP’s undisputed face in Punjab.

Where Losing Can Be Rewarding

Amritsar may well be India’s most politically “charitable” Lok Sabha constituency — a place where electoral defeat does not necessarily end careers, but often elevates them. In a political system usually unforgiving to losers, this high-profile Punjab seat has quietly earned a reputation for producing remarkably well-rewarded candidates. It was in 2014 when senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley lost the Amritsar contest but soon emerged as one of the most powerful ministers in Modi’s Cabinet. The pattern repeated itself in 2019 when former diplomat Hardeep Singh Puri was quickly elevated within the Union government and remains a key minister in the Modi Cabinet after losing Lok Sabha polls.

The tradition continued with former ambassador Taranjit Singh Sandhu. After his defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Amritsar, Sandhu has now been appointed Lieutenant Governor of Delhi, further cementing the constituency’s unusual political folklore. In most constituencies, defeat is seen as a setback, sometimes even political exile. But in Amritsar, losing seems less like a rejection and more like a stepping stone to higher office. In this “holy city,” political setbacks often come wrapped in unexpected rewards.

India Bloc in Limbo

With the Congress abandoning its long time ally, the DMK in Tamil Nadu and joining hands with the TVK, the future of the INDIA Bloc seems to be in limbo. The JMM is also upset with the Congress in Jharkhand. Mamata Banerjee who was contemplating to emerge as a rallying point of the Opposition in the country with the help of Akhilesh Yadav (SP) and Arvind Kejriwal (AAP) in toe, suffered a serious setback after her rout in West Bengal. Kejriwal is on the back foot after loss in Delhi and the Mann government in Punjab is also facing a serious threat to its survival. 

Yet, Mamata added more confusion by giving a call for a meeting of the INDIA bloc in June. It is not clear where the meeting will be held- in Kolkata or Delhi. It is also not clear whether she had done so in consultation with the Congress or otherwise. Although Rahul Gandhi had publicly supported Mamata Banerjee after her defeat by asking party men not to criticize her. But many INDIA bloc parties are miffed with Congress and the gulf is widening. Therefore, Mamata Banerjee's move may be one of the ways to retain the unity of the INDIA Bloc and Congress may have taken a step back. But this damage control is unlikely to help the Opposition as Rahul Gandhi continues to play solo.

Tailpiece: A Hush Hush meet

A hush-hush meeting between UP's powerful bureaucrat Sanjay Prasad and BJP National President Nitin Nabin has set off a fresh round of speculation in Delhi power circles. Prasad, a 1995-batch IAS officer, is handling CM Yogi's Office, Home, Information and Vigilance.

What added to the intrigue was that a photograph of the meeting briefly appeared on Nabin’s official social media handles before disappearing the next day. While those close to Prasad have sought to play down the episode as nothing more than a “courtesy call,” a few appear convinced. Both Prasad and Nabin hail from Bihar. It is said that Prasad may be keen to take a political plunge.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

A majority in Rajya Sabha for BJP  far away

No significant gain in current round of biennial polls 

Harish Gupta 

The BJP is unlikely to improve its tally significantly in the current round of biennial polls for 24 Rajya Sabha seats. Of the 24 seats, the BJP's 12 Mps are retiring and the party will be able to win 12 seats. If it loses one seat in Karnataka, it will gain one in Gujarat. The BJP may ask TDP to give one RS seat which may be a bonus. The BJP's current strength in Rajya Sabha is 113 and it needs 122 seats to gain a majority as the house strength is 243.

The BJP may gain a majority in Rajya Sabha on its own in 2028 as there are 12 seats (UP and Uttarakhand)  that will go to polls this year and four Rajya Sabha seats in 2027- Kerala (3) and Puducherry (1). The BJP will have to break the Opposition ranks once again like a split in the AAP when 7 out of 10 MPs quit to join the BJP. The NDA's current strength is 144 which will go up to 147.

In the two by-polls, the NDA will retain one in Maharashtra but lose another in Tamil Nadu. The NCP will retain its  seat but C V Shanmugam (AIADMK) seat will now go to TVK.

The Congress will lose one seat in Gujarat as Shakti Singh Gohil can't win due to lack of numbers. But the party will win one extra seat in karnataka. Therefore, if its four Mps are retiring, the same number will return from Karnataka (2), Madhya Pradesh (1) and Rajasthan (1).  

The Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge is set to be renominated by the party. Ashok Gehlot and Digvijay Singh are also eyeing Rajya Sabha ticket in Rajasthan and  Madhya Pradesh  respectively. The Congress has 29 members and its strength is likely to remain so.

These 24 seats include four each in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, three each in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, two in Jharkhand, one each in Manipur, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

From Meme Maker to ‘Cockroach King’

The Meteoric Rise of Abhijeet Dipke from Pune to Boston

Harish Gupta

From an obscure meme-maker to the face of India’s latest online political storm, 30-year-old Abhijeet Dipke from Pune has suddenly become the internet’s newest disruptor.

The founder of the satirical “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP) launched the digital outfit on May 16 after Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s “cockroaches” remark about unemployed youth triggered outrage online. Though he later clarified his remarks, the damage was done.

What started as political satire exploded into a viral movement within hours. Today, the CJP boasts more than 19 million Instagram followers — reportedly overtaking every mainstream political party in India on social media. Before facing legal restrictions in India, its X account too had crossed 200,000 followers.

Dipke, a journalism graduate from Pune and currently a public relations student at Boston University, previously worked with the Aam Aadmi Party’s social media team and helped design meme-based campaigns during the 2020 Delhi elections.

Blending humour with anger over unemployment, paper leaks and political alienation, the CJP has struck a chord with India’s restless Gen Z, turning the humble cockroach into an unlikely symbol of resistance.

What he imagined as political satire has evolved into a strange but potent expression of Gen Z frustration. The CJP calls itself “the voice of the lazy and unemployed”, mixing dark humour with sharp political messaging on unemployment, inequality, media control and political alienation.

Critics dismiss it as choreographed digital theatre with opposition links. Yet supporters see something deeper: a generation exhausted by politics but desperate to be heard.

India may not be witnessing street revolutions like Sri Lanka or Bangladesh or Nepal, but simmering anxieties over jobs, rising costs and shrinking opportunities are unmistakable. The cockroach — resilient, unwanted and impossible to eliminate — has unexpectedly become the perfect symbol of that frustration.

In an era where politics increasingly resembles performance, India’s latest anti-establishment mascot suddenly feels oddly believable. What next? No one is sure. 

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

How to Make Rs 2  lakh cr. Bullet Train Project Viable!

The government’s flagship high-speed rail dream is inching forward, but a big question refuses to go away: how to make the bullet train financially viable. The ambitious Mumbai–Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail Corridor — India’s first attempt at a 320 kmph rail network — was once projected to cost about ₹90,000 crore. Today, estimates suggest the bill could touch nearly ₹2 lakh crore, turning what was envisioned as a technological leap into a serious financial puzzle.

Delays in land acquisition, the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, and rising construction costs have all pushed up the price of the 508-km corridor linking Mumbai and Ahmedabad. A major chunk of the original funding came from the Japan International Cooperation Agency, which agreed to finance about 81% of the initial project cost through a long-term soft loan. However, Tokyo has made it clear that it will not fund cost overruns, leaving New Delhi to absorb the ballooning expense.

That has triggered intense internal discussions within the government on how to make the project economically sustainable. Critics in the opposition have already begun branding it a potential “white elephant,” arguing that ticket prices may end up being beyond the reach of ordinary passengers. Supporters counter that the debate is premature. The corridor is expected to run about 35 trains daily and eventually carry nearly 1.6 crore passengers annually, dramatically cutting travel time between the two major commercial hubs.

The first operational stretch between Surat and Bilimora is expected to see a trial run in August 2027. But the stakes go beyond just one project. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken of expanding bullet train corridors across the country. The immediate challenge before policymakers is clear: if India’s first bullet train struggles to prove viable, how will others ever take off?  A core group is breaking its head over how to make the Bullet train journey viable.

The wait gets longer

Nitin Nabin took over as BJP chief on January 20, 2026 and travelled extensively across more than a dozen states and campaigned actively during the Assembly polls as well. But his wait gets longer and longer to get his team even five months after he took over. It is also clear that he will continue in office until the next Lok Sabha elections as his three year term ends in January 2029.

One of the reasons for delay is largely because the new team has to reflect a balance between continuity and generational change. The leadership is considering introducing an informal upper age limit of 60 years bracket for organisational office-bearers to promote younger faces within the party structure. Among those likely to retain influential positions are Sunil Bansal and Vinod Tawde, both currently general secretaries. B. L. Santosh is also expected to continue for some more time as organisation general secretary.

The name of Ram Madhav was doing the rounds earlier. But no one is sure about his role. There are indications that party general secretaries such as Radha Mohan Das Agrawal, Tarun Chugh, Dushyant Gautam and Arun Singh may get other responsibilities. But all this has been in limbo and Nitin Nabin is keeping his fingers crossed.

Yogi Convoy Raises Eyebrows

Political circles were left intrigued over how Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath appeared to sidestep Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s repeated emphasis on austerity and minimalism in public life. During his recent visit to Delhi, Yogi was seen moving with a cavalcade of more than a dozen vehicles, prompting murmurs even within political corridors.

There is little dispute that the UP Chief Minister faces serious security threats from extremist elements and is entitled to Z-plus category protection. Security agencies, officials insist, determine the scale of such arrangements. Yet, comparisons inevitably surfaced because the Prime Minister himself is often seen traveling in the Capital with a far leaner convoy.

The optics, therefore, became difficult to ignore. In a political climate where symbolism matters as much as substance, critics and even some admirers wondered whether the message of restraint could have been better reflected on the road as well. For many observers, it was less about security protocol and more about political messaging.

Keeping out of public glare

Even as the Indian economy navigates a difficult phase marked by stubborn inflation, pressure on the rupee and slowing consumption, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has noticeably withdrawn from the public spotlight. Unlike many of her predecessors who preferred aggressive public messaging during economic turbulence, Sitharaman has chosen silence and caution.

Critics argue that her political standing and public approval have come under increasing scrutiny in recent months. Rising prices, stress among small businesses and concerns over weakening household savings have provided the Opposition enough ammunition to target the Finance Ministry.

Yet, her supporters insist that the broader macroeconomic picture remains stable compared to many global economies battling similar headwinds. They point to India’s growth trajectory, strong tax collections, infrastructure push and fiscal discipline remain on a relatively firm footing despite global uncertainty. Sitharaman, however, has never been a politician known for grandstanding. Having held the finance portfolio for nearly eight years — a rare feat in itself — she has developed a reputation for speaking only when necessary and avoiding needless controversies. Unlike several senior ministers, she rarely courts media attention, grants very few interviews outside the Union Budget period and prefers institutional communication over personal projection.

Sources in government circles say the Prime Minister’s Office closely monitors economic messaging, leaving Sitharaman comfortable with allowing “South Block to do the talking.” Now, as economic anxieties deepen, the Finance Minister appears to have retreated even further into a carefully guarded shell.