by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group
Yet another example of such retrospective self-goal is the support that BJP gave in 2010 by supporting the inclusion of caste in the decision to carry out a Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) together with the general census of 2011. Politicians want to put numbers on caste groups to exploit the information electorally, mostly by promising caste-based reservation in exchange of electoral support. But it can open a Pandora's box, as it is now doing in the recently released census data. The registrar-general in charge of census has published the 'socio-economic' part of SECC 2011 but is determinedly silent on caste figures. The government, on its part, is ready with plenty of excuses but is economical with the truth. It is claimed that there are 14 million of errors which have been left to the state governments to be rectified. The so-called errors, for whatever they mean, are the result of many of the 4.6 million caste groups identified in the census demanding OBC stamp on their communities. BJP should be regretting for supporting caste census in the past. To dodge the demand for spelling out the figures, it has adopted dilatory tactics typical of government. The Prime Minister's office has announced the setting up of a committee which will be headed by NITI Ayog vice-chairman and economist Arvind Panagriya. That is a respectable way of sending the matter into deep freezer.
In fact BJP should have been careful in 2010 when it supported the UPA government's move to count the caste numbers, a practice that even the British discontinued after the 1931 census. However, in the pre-Independence era, caste aspiration of the people was moving in an upward direction, as everyone wanted to be regarded as of a superior caste. Census Commissioner in 1931 Sir J. H. Hutton cited the observation of his colleague in Madras (now Chennai) that "an extreme dark individual pursuing the occupation of waterman on the Coorg border has described his caste as Suryavansh, the family of the Sun". But the direction of aspiration has reversed after the reservation of jobs and admission to state-funded higher education being thrown open to OBCs, following a 1993 Supreme Court judgment. Since then, 'downward aspiration' began gathering momentum. It is widening now.
However, the very purpose of reservation in India, which began with SC/ST reservation in the 1950s, has been completely defeated. The caste groups' quotas in jobs and education are being used as bargaining chips in electoral politics, and hardly ever as a mechanism to bring about equality of opportunity for everyone to improve his life. The inefficiency of the Indian reservation system will show once the shares of caste groups in the overall population become known. For example, from the socio-economic data of SECC 2011 published recently, it is evident that 80.61 per cent of rural households are without any of 14 basic facilities.
It is also known that 10.69 crore rural households, or about 60 per cent, have no more than one room and that too having mud wall, or the family is landless and ekes out a living by manual labour. Since caste identification has run parallel with these socio-economic findings, it is fairly easy to spot the shares of castes in each of these deprived groups. If a minuscule share of, say, those without any kind of mechanized vehicles comprise Jats, or Gujjars, or Patels or Marathas, what is the logic then of bringing them under the reservation umbrella? On the other hand, there may still be many other castes that are altogether deprived. They may be of less consequence than Jats or Patels politically but many times more in need of affirmative action. The Modi government is maintaining secretive silence on caste census because it may irretrievably alter the dynamics of politics. It may also underline the fact, embarrassing for all parties, for that matter, that 64 years after SC/ST reservation, the lot of tribals and dalits have remained unchanged, if not turned worse. The Yadav trinity of Maulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Yadav and Sharad Yadav are strident in their demand for release of caste census data as it holds out for them the promise of an action replay of the Mandal part 2 in Bihar where Assembly elections will change the political course of history to some extent. And, with upper caste, who may not number more than 10 per cent of population, can be occupying no less than 60 per cent of top jobs everywhere. Such inequality is multiplying, with competitive examinations like IIT-JEE being structured in a manner that is tilted in favour of the privileged sections. Disclosure of the caste census figures can therefore change the narrative of politics, with more demand for inclusiveness instead of offering reservation as a fig leaf.
Most of the policy roadblocks the Narendra Modi government now faces that might have been set up by its predecessor, the Congress; but BJP, today's ruling party, was complicit in the acts. The 2013 Land Acquisition Act is a classic example. Sumitra Mahajan, currently the Lok Sabha Speaker, headed the committee that vetted the bill; she let it pass with an approving nod. During discussion of the bill in the Lower House, BJP's Lok Sabha leader Sushma Swaraj was among its most vocal supporters. But Modi wanted it to be overturned from day one he came to power. Such excessive exhibition of interest by BJP in populist policies, with a potential to backfire, has become Modi's albatross.
Yet another example of such retrospective self-goal is the support that BJP gave in 2010 by supporting the inclusion of caste in the decision to carry out a Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) together with the general census of 2011. Politicians want to put numbers on caste groups to exploit the information electorally, mostly by promising caste-based reservation in exchange of electoral support. But it can open a Pandora's box, as it is now doing in the recently released census data. The registrar-general in charge of census has published the 'socio-economic' part of SECC 2011 but is determinedly silent on caste figures. The government, on its part, is ready with plenty of excuses but is economical with the truth. It is claimed that there are 14 million of errors which have been left to the state governments to be rectified. The so-called errors, for whatever they mean, are the result of many of the 4.6 million caste groups identified in the census demanding OBC stamp on their communities. BJP should be regretting for supporting caste census in the past. To dodge the demand for spelling out the figures, it has adopted dilatory tactics typical of government. The Prime Minister's office has announced the setting up of a committee which will be headed by NITI Ayog vice-chairman and economist Arvind Panagriya. That is a respectable way of sending the matter into deep freezer.
In fact BJP should have been careful in 2010 when it supported the UPA government's move to count the caste numbers, a practice that even the British discontinued after the 1931 census. However, in the pre-Independence era, caste aspiration of the people was moving in an upward direction, as everyone wanted to be regarded as of a superior caste. Census Commissioner in 1931 Sir J. H. Hutton cited the observation of his colleague in Madras (now Chennai) that "an extreme dark individual pursuing the occupation of waterman on the Coorg border has described his caste as Suryavansh, the family of the Sun". But the direction of aspiration has reversed after the reservation of jobs and admission to state-funded higher education being thrown open to OBCs, following a 1993 Supreme Court judgment. Since then, 'downward aspiration' began gathering momentum. It is widening now.
The resourceful and land-owning caste of Jats, spread across nine states in north India, have long been fighting a legal battle, which they have recently lost at the apex court, for being listed as OBC. Before last year's election, Jats got restive with both Congress and INLD for their failure to give them reservation, and they switched to BJP full-scale. It is a major reason for Modi's sweeping victory in Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. The ongoing turmoil in Gujarat where Patels are agitating for reservations in jobs and other government welfare schemes is part of this reverse saga. Though they are considered a ruling elite and well off. But in the government scheme of things, they are hopelessly far behind as 50% seats go to the OBCs and other underprivileged sections. The Marathas in Maharashtra are also clamouring for fruits of reservations now. It is a different matter that the Supreme Court had rejected the plea as it was opposed to allowing affirmative action to be guided by factors other than backwardness of a community.
However, the very purpose of reservation in India, which began with SC/ST reservation in the 1950s, has been completely defeated. The caste groups' quotas in jobs and education are being used as bargaining chips in electoral politics, and hardly ever as a mechanism to bring about equality of opportunity for everyone to improve his life. The inefficiency of the Indian reservation system will show once the shares of caste groups in the overall population become known. For example, from the socio-economic data of SECC 2011 published recently, it is evident that 80.61 per cent of rural households are without any of 14 basic facilities.
It is also known that 10.69 crore rural households, or about 60 per cent, have no more than one room and that too having mud wall, or the family is landless and ekes out a living by manual labour. Since caste identification has run parallel with these socio-economic findings, it is fairly easy to spot the shares of castes in each of these deprived groups. If a minuscule share of, say, those without any kind of mechanized vehicles comprise Jats, or Gujjars, or Patels or Marathas, what is the logic then of bringing them under the reservation umbrella? On the other hand, there may still be many other castes that are altogether deprived. They may be of less consequence than Jats or Patels politically but many times more in need of affirmative action. The Modi government is maintaining secretive silence on caste census because it may irretrievably alter the dynamics of politics. It may also underline the fact, embarrassing for all parties, for that matter, that 64 years after SC/ST reservation, the lot of tribals and dalits have remained unchanged, if not turned worse. The Yadav trinity of Maulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Yadav and Sharad Yadav are strident in their demand for release of caste census data as it holds out for them the promise of an action replay of the Mandal part 2 in Bihar where Assembly elections will change the political course of history to some extent. And, with upper caste, who may not number more than 10 per cent of population, can be occupying no less than 60 per cent of top jobs everywhere. Such inequality is multiplying, with competitive examinations like IIT-JEE being structured in a manner that is tilted in favour of the privileged sections. Disclosure of the caste census figures can therefore change the narrative of politics, with more demand for inclusiveness instead of offering reservation as a fig leaf.
