Fly on the wall
The Importance of being Shashi Tharoor
The BJP’s Kerala project has long lacked a catalytic figure—someone with popular appeal, administrative credibility, and cross-community acceptance. In Assam, that role was played by Himanta Biswa Sarma, whose defection from the Congress not only transformed the BJP’s electoral fortunes but also reconfigured the political landscape of the entire Northeast. Increasingly, BJP strategists wonder: Could Shashi Tharoor play a similar role in Kerala?
The question gains traction as the BJP’s Kerala graph shows unmistakable upward movement. From 11.40% in the 2021 Assembly polls to a combined NDA vote share of 19.24% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections—and a historic win in Thrissur—the party has moved from symbolic presence to meaningful foothold. It emerged a strong second in Thiruvananthapuram with 37.12%, posted impressive numbers in seven seats. With Rajeev Chandrasekhar taking charge as state president in 2025, the party is readying for the next leap.
This is where Tharoor fits in. Among Kerala’s youth and women, his popularity rivals, and often exceeds, that of local political heavyweights. Unlike most Congress leaders, his appeal cuts across religion and class lines, especially in urban constituencies and among first-time voters. If Sarma gave the BJP ideological flexibility and administrative muscle in Assam, Tharoor could provide intellectual legitimacy, cosmopolitan appeal, and cross-community access in Kerala—a state where cultural sophistication matters as much as political messaging.
For the BJP, Tharoor represents more than a high-profile defection; he is the potential “Assam moment” for Kerala. And with the state heading into December panchayat polls—where the BJP currently controls just 1,550 of 65,000 panchayats—the party is desperate for a transformative figure. The parallels with Sarma are not perfect—but the political possibilities are too powerful to ignore.
New BJP Chief in the New Year !
When
Union Home Minister Amit Shah said the BJP would elect its new
national president after the Bihar polls, it was widely assumed the
transition would be wrapped up before year-end. That timeline has
quietly slipped, so it seems. The party is now working on its own
slow, methodical schedule, and the election may take place only in
January 2026. Organizational elections in 29 states have already been
completed, with UP, Karnataka and a couple of others still pending.
These remaining units will be wrapped up in the next four to six
weeks, clearing the deck for the national election.
Complicating the calendar is the month-long Kharmas—an inauspicious period from December 14, during which no major appointments are made. As a result, the new president can only be elected after January 14 but before the Budget Session begins January end. The BJP high command is keen not to push the exercise any further. Several names are in circulation for the top post like Dharmendra Pradhan, Bhupender Yadav, Manohar Lal Khattar, and Shivraj Singh Chouhan. But a strong argument is being made that if the BJP wants deeper traction among Dalit voters, the time has come to elevate a leader from the community. In this context, UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya is being viewed as a serious contender. The first person from the Dalit community to serve as party president was Bangaru Laxman and he had to quit unceremoniously. Therefore, the BJP may make an attempt after 25 years.
Bhagwat Steps In to Repair BJP's Dalit Connect
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has quietly taken charge of the BJP’s Dalit outreach after the party’s setbacks in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. For months, Sangh insiders say Bhagwat had been signaling the need to “win back Dalit confidence” and hands-on intervention. Bhagwat spent five days in Varanasi recently, PM Modi’s constituency. He traveled to a Kabir ashram in Lakhimpur, held closed-door interactions with Dalit followers, and met local leaders who have been warning the Sangh about growing alienation among marginalized communities.
At a broader level, Bhagwat has matched visits with pointed speeches, urging Hindu society to rise above caste divisions. He has promoted collective celebration of festivals like Valmiki Jayanti, Ravidas Jayanti, and called for inclusivity in public places—temples, water wells, and crematoriums—often dominated by higher castes. Bhagwat’s annual Vijayadashami address in 2024 emphasized friendship across caste lines. The RSS runs several dedicated programs under its affiliate, Samajik Samrasta Manch, which focus on Dalit empowerment through education, healthcare, and vocational training. Initiatives such as inter-caste meals (Samajik Samrasta Bhoj).
Bhagwat has now issued firm instructions to RSS pracharaks: conduct dedicated outreach camps in Dalit-dominated districts, engage with community leaders. The Sangh is also mapping constituencies where Dalit disenchantment hurt the BJP most, especially in UP, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. Bhagwat’s intervention is being read within the BJP as a clear message—Dalit consolidation cannot be taken for granted, and the road to 2029 in Parliament will require course correction, not complacency.
MHA Faces Its Own Command Crisis After SC Blow
The
Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) faces renewed pressure to implement
long-pending cadre reforms in the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)
after the Supreme Court rejected its review plea on the contentious
issue of IPS deputations. The SC dismissed the MHA’s petition
challenging the May 23 verdict that ordered the Centre to complete
cadre reviews in all CAPFs—CRPF, BSF, CISF, ITBP, and SSB—within
six months. The court said no case was made for reconsideration and
refused to grant an open hearing.
The
earlier ruling had directed a gradual reduction in IPS deputation
posts within two years, citing stagnation and morale issues among
CAPF cadre officers who serve under “demanding conditions.” The
court also asked the Department of Personnel and Training to act
within three months of receiving MHA’s compliance report. With
the review plea dismissed, the MHA must now walk a political and
administrative tightrope—between IPS dominance and the CAPF cadre’s
growing demand for upward mobility. Insiders say Home Minister Amit
Shah is not the one to take things lying down and may try to find a
way to overcome the SC setback.
