Fly on the wall Harish Gupta  Amit Shah’s Bihar Mission: One State, One Party, One CM Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on a relentless mission — to paint Bihar completely saffron. For Shah, this is not just another state election; it’s a personal redemption arc and a crucial step in his long-cherished dream of keeping the BJP in power “from panchayat to Parliament” for decades. Shah has not forgotten the sting of 2015, when the formidable duo of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar united to block the BJP’s rise. While Nitish Kumar remains nominally in alliance with the BJP, Shah’s long game is clear: Bihar must one day have a BJP Chief Minister. Shah is personally micro-managing every move in the polls — from booth committees to campaign strategy — and leading from the front on the ground. This time, the BJP and JD(U) are contesting 101 seats each — but beneath the surface of this numerical parity lies a political asymmetry. In the 2020 elections, the BJP won 74 seats to JD(U)’s 43, while the RJD edged out both with 75 seats, becoming the single largest party. In 2025, Shah’s strategy is simple yet audacious: turn the BJP into Bihar’s dominant force.With the entire Hindi heartland — except Punjab and Himachal — already under BJP belt, Bihar is the only missing piece in Shah’s grand political puzzle. If the BJP becomes a single-largest party, a new script may be written. The BJP has mastered the art of making governments in states. It won’t just be another victory — it will be Amit Shah’s revenge, repackaged as resurgence. Finally; Saffron shake up After Bihar Polls  A big churn is ahead in the BJP after Bihar votes. A new party president could take charge soon — and Amit Shah has dropped the clearest hint yet. He has said the BJP may elect a new national president soon after the Bihar elections. “I don’t decide it — the party does, but after the Bihar polls, this can be done,” he said. One of the reasons for retaining J P Nadda is his old association with Bihar as a student. Insiders say the BJP is working overtime to install its own Chief Minister in the state — and the outcome will shape the party’s national strategy. Nadda has been one of the longest for any BJP president — first appointed working president in June 2019 and taking full charge in January 2020, Nadda has already completed two terms and received extensions. It is said that the selection of next chief has to be with extreme care keeping in mind that he will continue in office until the 2029 Lok Sabha polls and beyond. Party insiders also hint that post-Bihar, there could be a wider shake-up — in the cabinet, states, gubernatorial changes and the organization itself. One of the reasons for delay in holding the Winter session of Parliament is attributed to these impending changes. The BJP insiders say that inauspicious period begins from December 15 and changes, if any, had to be made before the onset of Winter session only. Hence, this delay.  These changes will be far-reaching as 12 states will go to polls in 2026 & 2027.  Rahul’s Claims Fall Flat as No ground work by his team Rahul Gandhi’s latest Hydrogen Bomb, where he accused the Election Commission of massive irregularities in the voter rolls, has backfired spectacularly. Gandhi had made three dramatic claims: that 66 voters were listed at one address; that a Brazilian model’s photograph was used against 22 voter names; and that one woman’s image appeared on 200 voter IDs. The first charge — 66 voters at one house in Godarana village, Bahadurgarh — turned out to involve a sprawling family compound of nearly an acre, where multiple generations live together. Every single voter was genuine. The discovery has left Congress red-faced as a basic ground check by workers was not done. Second claim: the “Brazilian model” case linked to Rai village near Sonipat revealed that all the women whose names supposedly carried the model’s image — Sheetal, Manjeet, and Darshana — were alive, local, and very much real. Darshana even produced her voter ID card with her photo.  Third allegation: A woman’s photo used across 200 names, involved Charanjeet from Ambala. She too was found easily and said she had voted only once. Locals confirmed that for over a decade, her picture has mistakenly appeared beside many names in the electoral list despite repeated complaints to officials. Rahul tried to tone down his remarks later. But Congress insiders say Rahul has his own in-house team dedicated to embarrassing him. Tailpiece: Why Jay Shah’s smiling: With the women’s cricket team lifting the ODI World Cup, the two men are also receiving widespread appreciation. One is the team’s coach Amol Muzumdar; the other is ICC President Jay Shah — who is also the BCCI chief. The praise is pouring in for Jay Shah as he turnaround women’s cricket, focused aggressively on women’s cricket, strengthening coaching & training infrastructure and increasing players payments and world class facilities. The World Cup win has become Jay Shah's defining moment in cricket administration. (Kind attention: The Rudy item is optional if short of space)  Rudy’s Quiet Comeback Once sidelined, BJP MP Rajiv Pratap Rudy is making a strong comeback in Bihar’s political theater. At a rally in Saran, Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s warm reference to Rudy as “my friend” signaled the MP’s quiet return to the party’s inner circle. The seven-term parliamentarian had been on the fringes since losing his ministerial berth, but a key victory turned his fortunes around when he defeated Sanjeev Balyan in the Constitution Club of India polls. The contest, marked by Rajput–Jat undertones, gave Rudy fresh political energy. He led “Jai Sanga” yatras across Bihar, invoking the Rajput hero Rana Sanga to consolidate his community’s support. With Shah’s backing and a renewed Rajput base, Rudy’s steady climb shows that in politics, patience and timing often matter more than power.

Amit Shah’s Message: No More Crutches Amit Shah may have spoken in Mumbai about local body elections the other day, but his real message went far beyond Maharashtra. It was aimed at BJP's every regional ally that still believes it has leverage in the NDA. In typically blunt fashion, Shah declared that the BJP no longer needs any “crutches” in Maharashtra while pitching for a "triple engine" government. The comment, made at a party event, was a signal that the days of dependence on allies are over. The BJP, he said, is ready to fight local elections on its own strength—an unmistakable signal to those who matter. It's a different matter that Mahayuti partners will be fighting together in many municipalities.  Once upon a time, the BJP relied on the Shiv Sena’s support. That era is gone. After the split in the Sena, the Election Commission recognized the Shinde faction which sits comfortably with the BJP. In the last Assembly election, the BJP came close to a solo majority with 132 seats out of 145 needed and a 93 percent strike rate. Even without allies, it could have formed the government. Shah’s remarks come a year later as a pointed reminder: the BJP can manage without its partners. The message from Maharashtra has echoes elsewhere. In Bihar and Jharkhand, the BJP has tried—unsuccessfully so far—to shed its allies. But Shah’s statement confirms that the effort continues. He made it clear once again that the NDA is fighting the elections under Nitish Kumar's leadership. "But a formal decision on the CM's post is determined by all MLAs sitting together after the election." The message is loud and clear. The allies are free to chart their own course. Dhankhar’s Return: Calm After the Storm After months of speculation and silence, it now appears that all is well between Jagdeep Dhankhar and the “Parivar”. The former Vice President, who had abruptly resigned citing “health” reasons, maintained a stony silence for 53 days before resurfacing at Rashtrapati Bhawan for the swearing-in of his successor and went back into hibernation. But all seems to be well. Party sources suggest that Dhankhar has decided to remain calm, with BJP’s organisational general secretary B. L. Santosh and senior RSS functionary Krishan Gopal gave him comfort. They had personally reached out to him while he was vacating his official residence. Dhankhar may shift to his newly allotted Type VIII bungalow at 34, APJ Abdul Kalam Road, in Lutyens’ Delhi soon. The choice of bungalow was his own, though the allotment took some time as is customary. Dhankhar declined government guest accommodation and instead shifted briefly to a farmhouse owned by INLD leader Abhay Singh Chautala in Chattarpur. Dhankhar has been assured staff of his choice and will get a pension of ₹2 lakh per month, along with a personal secretary, an additional secretary, a personal assistant, four attendants, a nursing officer, and a physician. In addition, his past tenures entitle him to multiple pensions: ₹45,000 per month as a one-term Lok Sabha MP, and ₹42,000 as an MLA. He is eligible for reimbursement of ₹25,000 for secretarial assistance as former West Bengal Governor . With his residence secured, entitlements settled, and party channels reopened, Dhankhar seems back within the Parivar. Mayawati Frets as Congress Makes Inroads into Dalits The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is in churn. Its once-solid Dalit vote base is showing cracks, and Mayawati is watching with growing unease as the Congress gains traction among Dalit voters after the BSP failed to win a single Lok Sabha seat in 2024, and its vote share in UP plunged to just 9.39% — less than half of what it secured in 2019. Even its loyal Jatav vote, long considered impregnable, drifted away — partly toward the Samajwadi Party–Congress alliance, and in some areas, the BJP. Adding to the turmoil was Mayawati’s abrupt removal of her nephew Akash Anand as national coordinator. The Congress, smarting from past irrelevance in UP, has seized the moment. In the 2024 polls, it tripled its tally in SC-reserved seats from six to 19, thanks to an aggressive “Save the Constitution” campaign that struck a chord with Dalit voters wary of the BJP’s stance on reservation. Sensing the erosion, Mayawati is fighting to reclaim her legacy. At a massive Lucknow rally in October 2025, she warned supporters against “sell-out individuals” being used to fragment the Dalit vote and vowed to go solo in the 2027 UP polls. Whether Mayawati can revive the party’s lost mojo is uncertain. But one thing is clear: the Congress’s resurgence among Dalits has rattled Mayawati like never before. Nitish keeps Bhojpuri Film Crowd Away In Bihar’s Assembly elections, almost every major political party has fielded at least one Bhojpuri film personality — actor, singer or star performer. Not only have they been given tickets, they are being used extensively in the campaign trail. The BJP leads this charge, but Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD is not far behind and gave a ticket to Khesari Lal Yadav. Chirag Paswan’s LJP fielded Seema Singh, though her nomination later got canceled. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj too has fielded actress Pankhuri Pandey. Only Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s party stands out as the exception as it has not fielded a single actor or singer. Traditionally, JD(U) tickets go to grassroots workers and organizational faces. But the BJP has plucked Methili Thakur — known for performing songs-- and fielded her from Alinagar in Darbhanga. The party has also brought Manoj Tiwari, Ravi Kishan and Dinesh Lal ‘Nirahua’ into campaign activity. As these film stars and singers campaign vigorously — drawing crowds not just for themselves but for other candidates too — Nitish Kumar remains conspicuously distant from the Bhojpuri glamour brigade.

Fly on the wall Harish Gupta Two Leaders, One Template At first glance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar appear poles apart — one a national figure commanding global attention, the other a regional satrap balancing fragile alliances. Yet, scratch beneath the surface, and striking similarities emerge between the two longest-serving leaders in Indian politics. Both Modi and Nitish have built their careers on the foundation of personal integrity. In an era where corruption charges have felled many politicians, neither has faced a personal allegation of graft. Their reputations for honesty have become political capital — a key reason their respective constituencies continue to trust them despite shifting alliances and turbulent political landscapes. Ambition defines them both. Modi’s journey from Gujarat Chief Minister to Prime Minister reflects a relentless climb powered by political conviction and sharp strategic sense. Nitish, too, has shown unyielding ambition — whether breaking with the BJP or returning to it — always with an eye on maintaining Bihar’s political centre of gravity around himself. Another shared trait is their reliance on bureaucratic machinery and carefully chosen teams. Both men prefer working with trusted officials who understand their style of governance and execute policies with precision. Modi’s PMO is famously tight-knit and loyal, while Nitish’s administration in Bihar functions through a cadre of long-serving bureaucrats who know his mind. Their longevity in power — over 25 years each — is a testament to political survival skills rarely matched in India’s fast-changing democracy. Honest, ambitious, disciplined, and deeply strategic — Nitish Kumar and Narendra Modi may stand on different political pedestals, but they are, in many ways, two faces of the same political coin. Another striking similarity is their personal restraint. Neither leader has promoted the family. Nitish's son Nishant made a brief appearance before the polls. But he soon vanished from the scene. Everyone Wants SIR in Maharashtra! When the rest of India says no, Maharashtra says yes. Now here’s a political paradox for the ages. Across the country, political parties are crying foul over the Election Commission’s plan for a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists. But in Maharashtra, every party worth its poll symbol is clamouring for it. The EC announced SIR in 12 states & UTs as part of a nationwide clean-up of electoral rolls, Maharashtra excluded. Ironically, the loudest protests against SIR came from the three big opposition-ruled states: West Bengal, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. But the EC ignored their demands. Cut to Maharashtra, where the mood is refreshingly different. Rivals Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray—usually at each other’s throats—are singing the same tune: no elections without cleaning the voters’ list. Even Devendra Fadnavis, the BJP’s strongman and his deputy chief minister, agrees. For once, the Shiv Sena factions, BJP, and Congress seem to share a rare moment of consensus — everyone wants the rolls scrubbed clean. The Supreme Court wants local elections held soon, but without SIR, that’s easier said than done. Rahul Gandhi too had accused the Commission of “creative counting” in Maharashtra’s last polls, so even Congress wants a clean slate this time. And here’s the delicious irony: in states where the ruling parties oppose SIR, the Election Commission insists on it; and where everyone’s begging for it — like Maharashtra — the Commission prefers to wait. In Indian politics, even cleaning a list isn’t clean business. Sonia’s New Shadow There’s a new “companion” in Sonia Gandhi itinerary — and it’s not a veteran loyalist but Ranjeet Ranjan, the spirited MP from Bihar and wife of maverick leader Pappu Yadav. Ever since Sonia moved to the Upper House, Ranjeet has been spotted walking her in and out of Parliament, prompting Congress watchers to label her the Congress matriarch’s new shadow. Ranjeet, a known tennis buff and articulate speaker, was picked to lead the party’s charge on the National Sports Governance Bill — a move that reportedly ruffled former minister Ajay Maken, who had drafted the original version before it was junked by his own government. But what’s puzzling insiders is Ranjeet’s sudden silence. For someone known for her fiery interventions, she’s been missing in the Opposition’s vote chori campaign and other political flash points. Meanwhile, her husband Pappu Yadav, is not a persona non grata now and even shares warm exchanges with Rahul. So, is Ranjeet keeping a safe parliamentary distance from her headline-making husband? No one’s saying. But in Delhi’s gossip corridors, everyone’s whispering: Sonia’s got a new shadow — and she plays doubles better than anyone expected. When Sonia Gandhi went to attend the funeral of the husband of senior party leader and her erstwhile shadow Ambika Soni, She was flanked by Ranjeeta. Tailpiece: Blame the Lokpal Act not the Judges The Lokpal of India is making news for all the wrong reasons. The anti-graft Ombudsman has been hauled over for floating a tender to procure seven luxury BMWs worth ₹70 lakh each. But a deeper look at the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act would reveal that it provided the same salary, allowances and service conditions as that of the Chief Justice of India and other judges. The CJI is allotted a Mercedes and other judges are currently given BMWs. But Lokpal is above all in perception and it failed to convict any corrupt high & mighty in five years. Even here many say the Act is so crafty that the Lokpal has become a toothless tiger.

41 low-margin seats to decide fate of Bihar polls NDA-MGB put their entire might on these seats Harish Gupta With campaigning in full swing now in Bihar, the NDA and Mahagathbandhan (MGB) are keeping a close watch on 40-odd seats that were decided by less than 3000 votes in 2020. The two rival groups have put their entire might behind winning these low margin seats which decided the fate of the government in 2020 as NDA walked away winning the majority of them. Of these 41 seats, the margin of victory was less than 1,000 in 11 seats. The NDA won 7 seats leaving only 4 for MGB. These 11 seats were Bhorey Dehri Bachhwara, Chakai, Matilhani, Barbigha,Hilsa, Kurhani, Bakhri, Ramgarh and Parbatta. Similarly, the margin of victory in 30 seats was between 1000-3000 votes and even here the NDA had won 19 leaving only 9 for MGB and 2 others. The battle was so fierce between the NDA and MGB in 2020 that the margin of votes between the two groups in Assembly seats was 12000 votes. The RJD had even emerged as the single largest party with 75 seats. But its partners could not perform. The NDA insiders say that the focus is on winning a minimum of 160 seats as the NDA had won in 174 segments in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. It had won 30 Lok Sabha seats out of 40. The BJP wants to win at least 36-37 low margin seats out of 41 low margin seats. The focus is also on 11 more seats where the margin of victory was between 3000-5000 votes. The BJP is creating the same fervor in Bihar as it had created in the state in 2024 during Lok Sabha polls. The MGB was ahead in 62 segments only (9 Lok sabha seats).

10 Crore Fake Beneficiaries Axed: A Clean-Up Raises Questions The Modi government may have been beating the drum of weeding out nearly 10 crore fake beneficiaries from welfare rolls, saving the exchequer about ₹4.3 lakh crore. It credited the JAM trinity—Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, and Mobile—for plugging leakages in schemes such as ration cards, LPG subsidies, and scholarships. The government said these “non-existent” names were routinely used under previous regimes to funnel money to middlemen. “Imagine theft of ₹4.3 lakh crore. That money is now being used for the development of the country.”The government has claimed this ahead of a fresh Aadhaar-based verification drive across central schemes including PM-Kisan, Ujjwala Yojna and PDS, to be completed by December 2025. Officials say the data will feed into the next Finance Commission cycle in April 2026, shaping how central funds are allocated to states. Ministries have also been asked to “tweak” eligibility criteria if verification reveals redundancy.Government figures highlight anomalies: in FY25, 2.2 crore ration cardholders did not collect free grains for up to a year, suggesting migration, reduced need, or ghost entries. Direct benefit transfers (DBT) have meanwhile ballooned from just over ₹7,000 crore in 2014 to ₹6.83 lakh crore in FY25, a rise the Centre attributes to digital reform.Yet the scale of savings is difficult to verify. Critics note the ₹4.3 lakh crore figure reflects notional leakages, not actual recoveries from fake beneficiaries, and warn genuine but inactive households could be excluded in the purge. States, which co-administer welfare schemes, may also resist tighter central control through Aadhaar-enabled payment systems. For the government, however, the narrative is clear: Modi has framed the exercise as proof of cleaning up systemic corruption, even as the politics of welfare delivery deepens in the run-up to 2025 &  2026 poll season. 

Fly on the Wall Modi vs Rahul in Bihar — A Real National Face-off Bihar is all set to witness not just another state election but the first major political clash between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi after the 2024 Lok Sabha polls — a high-voltage battle that could shape the national mood. Unlike Maharashtra, Haryana or even Delhi, Bihar has become the ground where both Modi and Rahul have personally staked their reputations, knowing well that whatever happens here will ripple across India’s political landscape. Modi has already made nine visits to Bihar since January this year — addressing rallies, inaugurating projects, and virtually engaging with local groups. For him, Bihar is not just about votes but about reaffirming his connection with the Hindi heartland. He will address 12 rallies during polls. Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, seems unusually charged up — treating Bihar as a political laboratory to test his renewed activism. He has toured the state seven times, held long strategy sessions with state leaders, and even taken to the streets with a two-week Yatra opposing the special revision of the voters’ list. His “Vote Rights March” in Purnea and the subsequent Congress Working Committee meeting in Bihar underline his intent: Rahul wants to turn Bihar into his comeback arena. For both Modi and Rahul, Bihar isn’t just another election — it’s a test of narrative, stamina, and street power. The outcome may well set the tone for the next national political chapter. P Chidambaram sings, Karti gets relief Senior Congress leader and former Union Home Minister in the Manmohan Singh government, P. Chidambaram’s son Karti Chidambaram, who is also a Congress MP from Sivaganga, Tamil Nadu, has received major relief from the court. He has been accused in several cases, including the INX Media scam, and has even spent some time in jail. His passport had earlier been confiscated, and whenever he needed to travel abroad, he was required to seek prior permission from the court — submitting his travel details at least two weeks in advance. Now, the Delhi High Court has granted him a significant reprieve. The court has ended the condition requiring prior permission for foreign travel. This means Karti Chidambaram can now travel abroad without the court’s prior approval. While no one can question the court’s judgment, the timing of this relief to Karti Chidambaram is drawing attention. Questions are being raised about the role of investigating agencies, which did not oppose granting him this relaxation before the court. This relief has come at a time when his father, P. Chidambaram has started taking positions that appear uncomfortable for the Congress Party. In a recent statement, P. Chidambaram indirectly accused the Congress of succumbing to foreign pressure, saying that after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, India wanted to take action against Pakistan but did not do so under U.S. Pressure. The BJP had long been making this allegation, but now Chidambaram himself has confirmed it. Similarly, regarding the 1984 Operation Blue Star, Chidambaram remarked that it was a wrong decision, for which Indira Gandhi paid with her life. Observers believe that in the coming days, he may make more statements that could harm the Congress Party. Haryana’s Double Suicide: A Script Straight Out of a Crime Thriller What began as a suicide by a senior IPS officer in Haryana has now spiraled into one of the most baffling and sensational cases in recent memory — a story that reads like the script of a dark crime thriller. On October 7, IPS officer Parun Kumar allegedly shot himself in the head at his residence. He left behind an eight-page typed note titled “Final Note”, in which he accused nine senior IAS and IPS officers of corruption and sustained harassment. He claimed he was being cornered for refusing to participate in wrongdoing. Exactly eight days later, Assistant Sub-Inspector (ASI) Sandeep Lather also shot himself — in precisely the same manner. His four-page handwritten “Final Note” accused Varun Kumar, his IAS wife, and several other officials of corruption. Ironically, while the IPS officer had called himself honest and victimized, the ASI’s note portrayed him as complicit and corrupt. Adding to the mystery, no one reportedly heard the gunshots in either case. Both officers were found dead in circumstances that investigators describe as “highly unusual.” Puran Kumar was a Dalit, while Sandeep Lather belonged to an upper caste — a detail that has added a social dimension to an already tangled narrative. The police are now grappling with two deaths, two “Final Notes,” and a series of cross-allegations that could shake Haryana’s bureaucratic establishment. Bihar Polls Spark New Momentum for Maurya The BJP’s decision to appoint UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya as co-in-charge for the Bihar Assembly elections has triggered fresh political buzz. Many see the development as Maurya’s “promotion” arguing if the NDA performs well in Bihar, he will gain direct political mileage back home in UP. Significantly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had recently praised Maurya at a public event in Lucknow addressing him as “Mere Mitra' in the presence of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Soon after, Maurya was entrusted with Bihar responsibilities—a signal that has not gone unnoticed. However, many interpret it as a step towards Maurya’s entry into national politics. According to them, if he delivers in Bihar, the party leadership may induct him into the central organisation or deploy him in one of the five states going to polls in 2026. Yet, insiders insist his key role in Bihar is to consolidate the Koeri (Kushwaha) vote bank, which explains his assignment in Patna. For now, BJP circles are abuzz with speculation that the “historic injustice” of 2017 in UP might be redressed. Back then, Maurya was the state party chief and the face of the campaign that brought the non-Yadav OBC vote decisively to the BJP. The party now seeks to replicate that strategy in Bihar. The real question, however, remains: who stands to gain after victory—Koeri leader Samrat Choudhary in Bihar, or Keshav Prasad Maurya in Uttar Pradesh?

Fly on the Wall Harish Gupta  Modi Bends Protocol to Rebuild Bridge with Trump Prime Minister Narendra Modi is moving swiftly to repair strained ties with Washington, setting aside diplomatic niceties in his bid to reconnect with US President Donald Trump. The sudden arrival of US Ambassador-designate Sergio Gor in New Delhi — before presenting his credentials to President Droupadi Murmu — has raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles. Gor’s premature visit, reportedly aimed at firming up a possible Modi–Trump meeting in Kuala Lumpur later this month, breaks long-standing protocol. Ordinarily, a new envoy travels only after New Delhi formally clears Washington’s “agreement” and credentials are accepted by the President. Gor’s early touchdown signals an urgency on both sides to thaw relations that have soured over Trump’s tariff hike on Indian exports and punitive duties on Russian crude purchases. Gor’s early touchdown breaks that protocol. Gor, perhaps, came as a special envoy and not as Ambassador-designate. Gor, a 38-year-old close Trump aide and a key figure in the MAGA campaign, met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri before calling on Modi. The outreach follows Modi’s October 9 call congratulating Trump on the “success of the historic Gaza peace plan,” their second conversation in less than a month. With trade tensions still unresolved, both sides appear eager to reset the equation before it hardens into hostility considering the unpredictable Trump. In Washington and Delhi alike, protocol suddenly seems secondary — diplomacy, it appears, is now running on political instinct.  Cost of Proxy Rule Haryana’s corridors of power have a new reality: Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini may hold the title, but the reins remain firmly with powerful Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. From major appointments to sensitive files, nothing reportedly moves without Khattar’s nod — reducing Saini to a figurehead in his own government. That vacuum of authority turned glaring after the shocking suicide of IGP Y. Puran Kumar on October 7 night. The officer left behind an eight-page note alleging harassment by senior police officials, including DGP Shatrujeet Kapur. Yet, there was silence at the top. Sources say Saini waited for Khattar to decide the course of action — a hesitation that only deepened public anger. The tragedy soon snowballed. Kumar, a Scheduled Caste officer married to IAS officer Amneet Kaur, had powerful social and political backing. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) sought a report on “caste bias,” and Kaur publicly demanded the arrest of the DGP and Rohtak SP Narendra Bijarniya. As the issue gathered heat in the middle of an election season in Bihar, bureaucrats, ministers, and politicians across party lines called on the bereaved family. A 31-member “Shaheed Y. Puran Singh Nyaya Sangharsh Morcha” emerged to demand justice. It was only when the crisis threatened to spiral that action followed: the DGP, HARYANA & OTHERS WERE SHUNTED OUT, and the SC/ST Act was invoked with stringent sections slapped. Five days after the suicide, Saini finally spoke — promising justice “irrespective of position.” NOW THE OFFICER INVESTIGATING PURAN KUMAR FOR CORRUPTION, HAS COMMITTED SUICIDE COMPLICATING THE ISSUE.  However, in Haryana’s power structure, proxy rule had revealed its price — paralysis, delay, and silence. Rahul’s Hydrogen Bomb Goes for a Toss? It’s been nearly a month since Rahul Gandhi promised to drop his political “hydrogen bomb” — a revelation so explosive, he said, it would “end the game.” But so far, the Congress leader’s doomsday device has remained in the hangar, quietly ticking or perhaps quietly forgotten. Rahul’s earlier “atomic bomb” — a 22-page PowerPoint on alleged voter fraud in Karnataka’s Mahadevapura seat — had all the drama but little detonation. He claimed over a lakh votes were stolen, listed five ways it was done, and then… nothing. No protests, no court cases, no follow-up. The Congress, despite ruling Karnataka, managed to misplace both outrage and evidence. Now, the suspense shifts to his promised hydrogen version — supposedly far more devastating. The buzz is that Rahul’s next “exposé” could zero in on Varanasi, where Congress’s Ajay Rai insists he was winning until “vote theft” flipped the script for Prime Minister Modi. Others suggest Rahul is saving his payload for the Bihar polls, where he and Tejashwi Yadav have been crying foul over the voter list revision. But after the Supreme Court recently failed pleas alleging “vote chori” for lack of proof, the stage looks less like a launchpad and more like a crash site. Even Congress insiders are wary — they’ve seen too many fireworks fizzle into fog. This is the Congress’s chronic curse: loud claims, limp action. The party announces battles in the press but rarely fights them on the ground. Will Rahul’s hydrogen bomb finally go off — or will it join the long list of Congress’s dud detonations? For now, India watches, popcorn in hand, waiting to see if this bomb goes boom — or just puff. some changes  Tailpiece: Rahul Gandhi was missing in action once more. The Congress leader left India on September 27 for a tour of Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Chile — with no announced return date. The party said the visit is aimed at strengthening diplomatic and political ties. While the tour itself is legitimate, the optics are strikingly poor. Congress is in a bruising battle with the NDA in Bihar while Haryana is in turmoil following the suicide of a Dalit IGP. Yet Gandhi was focusing on global outreach for over a fortnight. His belated visit to Chandigarh failed to make any impact. his connect with domestic issues does not generate confidence and raises questions about the party’s ability to catch the bull by the horn.

Fly on the Wall When Malhotra Said ‘No’—and Slipped Into Oblivion Veteran BJP leader Vijay Kumar Malhotra, who passed away at 93, was among the last of the party’s founding stalwarts. A man with a mind of his own, he often refused to play by the script—and paid the political price. When Narendra Modi stormed to power in 2014, the BJP brass drew up a list of senior leaders to be accommodated as Governors. Modi was appreciative of Malhotra. The names included Kesri Nath Tripathi, Kailash Joshi, Balaram Das Tandon, Ram Naik—and V.K. Malhotra. Naik was tipped for Uttar Pradesh while Malhotra was offered Kerala. It seemed like a respectable elevation after Sheila Dikshit’s resignation as Kerala Governor at a press briefing at Kerala House in Delhi. But Malhotra quietly declined. His reason? He wanted to remain within striking distance of the capital—Uttar Pradesh, Punjab or Rajasthan would do, but not faraway Kerala. That single decision cost him dearly. Others on the list moved into Raj Bhavans. Malhotra, however, was left out in the cold. He was later accommodated as Chairman of the All India Council of Sports (AICS), an advisory body to the Sports Ministry—a respectable title, but a far cry from the power and visibility he once commanded. A contemporary of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani, Malhotra had been BJP’s face in Delhi for decades, a five-time MLA, MP, and party president in the capital. Yet his reluctance to move beyond his Delhi comfort zone became the turning point of his career. In the unforgiving world of politics, Malhotra’s story is a reminder: sometimes, saying “no” is the shortest road to oblivion. Bhagwat’s Subtle warning to Modi Govt. At the centenary celebration of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), chief Mohan Bhagwat delivered what sounded less like a routine address and more like a reality check for the ruling establishment. While he broadly endorsed the government’s policies and governance, his words carried a quiet rebuke — particularly on economic disparity and social disconnect. Bhagwat noted that while India dreams of becoming a “world leader,” the flaws of the global economic order are glaring. “Inequality is growing; economic power is concentrated in a few hands. The gap between rich and poor is widening,” he cautioned. His remarks came barely a day after the latest Hurun Rich List revealed that 1,687 Indians control wealth equal to half of India’s GDP — a statistic that underlines the very warning Bhagwat issued. Though couched in global terms, the message was unmistakably domestic. The RSS chief was telling the Modi government that ‘India’s rise’ cannot be on the shoulders of a privileged few, and that its economic model must reach the millions left behind. The veiled question: Will the government heed this counsel or continue to hand over national resources to its corporate favourites? Bhagwat also alluded to unrest in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal — tracing it to growing distance between rulers and the ruled. The implication was unmissable. Unless governance remains responsive and inclusive, even the most powerful regimes risk alienating their people. His comments can be read as a subtle nudge to the government to recalibrate its growth model and make it more inclusive. Minister’s Innovation Sermon Sparks Bureaucratic Ire Dr. Jitendra Singh, Minister of State in the PMO and Science and Technology, created ripples recently—not by announcing new initiatives, but by taking aim at India’s bureaucracy. Singh accused states of treating science departments as “dumping grounds” and said most IAS officers view such postings as punishment. “Innovation is not a priority,” he declared, squarely blaming civil servants for India’s poor innovation record. But what Singh intended as a wake-up call has been read within the bureaucracy as little more than finger-pointing. Senior officials privately argue that the minister’s words amount to lecturing, without acknowledging the elephant in the room—India’s woeful under-investment in R&D. At just 0.6–0.7% of GDP, a fraction of China (2.4%), the US (3.5%) and Israel (5.4%). “Innovation cannot be driven by sermons. Without funds, staff or mission-mode backing, how can states deliver?” one officer shot back. Officers also question why there are no special budgets, incentives, or institutional linkages to support science departments. With skeletal staff and outdated labs, they say, enthusiasm is naturally low. “Passing the buck won’t change ground realities,” another remarked. Policy experts caution that Singh’s outburst risks widening the trust gap between policymakers and implementers. “Innovation needs leadership from the top, not lectures at the bottom,” one analyst noted. For many in the system, Singh’s comments reflect a familiar pattern: when results falter, the instinct is to blame the bureaucracy rather than confront policy gaps. Tailpiece: Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma turned sentimental at the shraddhanjali for singer Zubeen Garg, posting a video of the late artist’s pet dogs taking a last look at him and musing, “Dogs are a man’s best friend — and if dogs love you, you are a great man.” Touching words indeed. But coming from Sarma, irony bites harder than the emotion. This is the same leader who once mocked Rahul Gandhi’s affection for his pet, Pidi, and even claimed he quit the Congress after being “insulted” with dog biscuits served on the same plate. Now the man who once sneered at canine loyalty has turned philosopher about it. In Sarma’s world, it seems greatness — like loyalty — depends on who’s wagging for which party.

Fly on the Wall The Rising Tide of Pre-Poll Cash Doles Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on record to say that the central government can't help the states which empty their treasuries after making unrealistic election promises. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman disapproved of political parties lining up promises of freebies ahead of elections in a TV program last month and said such recklessness in dealing with public finances is discouraged. However, the BJP is winning one election after the other riding on the back of Direct Cash Transfers into the accounts of women, youth and other targeted voters. It won Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi Assembly polls riding on these cash transfer doles. Come to Bihar as it heads into elections, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has opened the floodgates of welfare spending, targeting women and youth with schemes designed for votes. Nitish's doles will cost more than Rs 40000 crores a year, a whopping 66% of its resources. The other day, the Prime Minister transferred Rs 10000 each into the accounts of 75 lakh women totaling Rs 7500 crores on the spot under the self-help scheme. Eventually, more than 1.25 crore women could receive up to Rs 2 lakh each after assessment. It first began with the traditional farm loan waiver schemes in the 80s in “farm belt” states, or the promise of free rations under the public distribution system by late PM Indira Gandhi. In recent years, however, election eve in India has come to mean direct cash transfers, unemployment allowances, monthly stipends etc. Since 2014, nine states announced farm loan waivers totaling about Rs 2.53 lakh crore, but only about 50% of the 3.7 crore eligible farmers had actually benefited by March 2022. In Delhi, with about 71 lakh women voters among the 1.5 crore electorate, the BJP walked away by pledging Rs 2,500/month, plus other perks. These doles are expensive. A study showed among 21 state governments that announced waivers right before state polls, only 4 lost. Most reaped electoral gain. ED Probe Rekindles Rahul’s Citizenship? The debate over Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship has resurfaced, this time with the Enforcement Directorate (ED) entering the picture. The controversy is not new. Years ago, a petition was filed against Sonia Gandhi’s name being included in the voters’ list, alleging she was not an Indian citizen at the time. That petition was dismissed by the court. Rahul Gandhi’s case, however, remains pending before the Allahabad High Court. BJP worker Sanghnesh Mishra has alleged that Rahul holds British citizenship and has demanded that his Indian citizenship be revoked. The case took an unexpected turn when the ED summoned Mishra on September 9. This raised eyebrows and prompted speculation about whether the agency is now gathering evidence in the matter of Rahul’s citizenship. Officially, the ED has maintained that its inquiry relates to possible violations of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). According to Mishra, Rahul obtained British citizenship to facilitate business activities abroad. He has claimed to possess documents from London, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan that allegedly support his contention. The ED is said to be collecting information about Rahul’s overseas businesses, sources of income, and bank accounts. What exactly Mishra told the agency has not been disclosed. But the very fact that the ED has stepped in has given new momentum to a controversy that has lingered for years. It remains to be seen whether this inquiry will remain a financial probe or evolve into something much larger around Rahul Gandhi’s political identity. Tejashwi Charts "No Family" Course A silent but bitter feud is playing out within the RJD’s first family. After elder son Tej Pratap Yadav was sidelined from both party and household, now Lalu Prasad Yadav’s elder daughter-in-law Aishwarya Rai is visibly unhappy. At the heart of both episodes is one man—Sanjay Yadav, Tejaswi's chief strategist. Sanjay, a Haryana native, has become indispensable to Tejashwi. Insiders say he has designed a party structure where even Lalu’s authority is waning. In the RJD’s heydays, workers bowed before the “Panch Devta”—Lalu, Rabri, Tejashwi, Tej Pratap and Misa Bharti. Rohini Acharya is the new entrant in the game.  Today, the party functions under a new monotheism: Sanjay’s word, and by extension, Tejaswi's will. The strategy is clear. Only one member of the Yadav family will contest elections—Tejashwi himself. His Raghopur assembly seat remains his stronghold. When Tej Pratap resisted, he was denied even a meeting with his younger brother and shown the door. Aishwarya, who narrowly lost the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Saran, was being considered again by Lalu. But Sanjay vetoed it, arguing that too many family contestants would reinforce charges of dynasty. The hidden calculation: prevent any sibling or in-law from emerging as a potential challenger. There is also a contingency angle. Tejashwi faces corruption cases. If convicted, and if his siblings hold legislative office, one of them could automatically rise to leadership. By keeping all siblings out, Tejashwi ensures no rival centre of power develops. For the first time, Tejashwi is trying to chalk out his own course in the party—separate from his father’s patronage and family’s compulsions. He wants RJD to rally behind him alone, not around the wider clan. In doing so, he risks alienating siblings, but also secures undisputed command over the party’s future. tailpiece:  The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana was announced by Bihar CM Nitish Kumar. But when it came to launching, it was PM Modi who released Rs 7500 crores to 75 lakh women accounts. This is perhaps the first time that a welfare scheme in the name of a CM is released by a PM in his presence. The Bihar polls will be fought in the name of Mahila, Mandir and Modi - no mention of  Nitish Kumar by the BJP. Is a new script being written before the polls itself?   

Farooq Abdullah may go to RS, Ghulam Nabi hopes rest on BJP With Rajya Sabha elections for four seats in Jammu and Kashmir set to take place, the National Conference-led coalition is likely to field its senior-most leader Farooq Abdullah. The NC -led coalition is likely to win three seats easily and deliberations are on for picking up candidates for two other seats. In addition to Farooq Abdullah, one more candidate from the Kashmir Valley may be picked up while the third candidate could be from the Jammu region. Two former ministers from the Jammu region, Ajay Sadhotra and Sajad Ahmed Kichloo, as well as provincial president Jammu Rattan Lal Gupta, are hopeful of securing the party's mandate, per sources. The Congress is reported to have asked for one Rajya Sabha seat out of three seats as it is part of the alliance but not joined the Omar Abdullah Cabinet. It is yet to be seen if the Congress will be obliged by the National Conference. The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats as it has 28 MLAs and will need one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and one MLA each of the PDP, AAP and PC or manage cross-voting in the ruling alliance. It is to be seen if the BJP will oblige Ghulam Nabi Azad or pick up its own party's old loyalist. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, there will be an interesting contest for the fourth seat.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group BJP may spring a surprise for the 4th RS seat in J&K The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats that will go to polls on October 24 in Jammu & Kashmir. This is despite the fact that the ruling dispensation in J&K and anti-BJP forces have a clear edge to win all the four seats. The alliance is confident of winning three seats on its own and capturing the 4th seat if all non-BJP parties come together. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, the alliance has the edge. The J&K Assembly has 88 sitting members as two seats (Bigam and Nagrota) are vacant. Therefore, a candidate needs 45 seats to win an election. The Omar Abdullah led alliance enjoys the support of 53 legislators. This includes NC (41), Congress (6), CPM (1) and five Independents. The BJP has 28 MLAs while the PDP has three, People’s Conference and Aam Aadmi Party one each and two Independents who are unattached. But the election will take an interesting turn when the poll for the two seats will take place together and each candidate will need a minimum of 29 votes. The BJP, with its 28 MLAs, will need at least one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and any of the MLAs of the PDP, AAP or ensure cross-voting in the ruling alliance. The NC-Congress combine will be left with 24 surplus votes for the second seat and would need five votes extra to secure a victory over BJP's 28 votes and bank on the PDP (3), AAP (1), PC (1), and two unattached Independents. The BJP will obviously make all the efforts to win the fourth seat in J&K to send a right signal. -

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Maharashtra Ports Major Narcotics Hub After Gujarat

With 21% of drugs seized nationwide, Mumbai’s JNPA and Raigarh emerge as key smuggling hot spots

Maharashtra’s ports have become the second-largest gateway for narcotic smuggling into India, trailing only Gujarat. According to data made available, drug seizures worth over Rs 2,367 crore were recorded at Jawaharlal Nehru Port Authority (JNPA), Mumbai and Raigarh Container Freight Station between 2020 and 2024, accounting for 20.9% of the national total.

Maharashtra’s rising role is evident from repeated interceptions at JNPA—191 kg of heroin in 2020 and 294 kg in 2021 while jumping in 2022 with heroin, methamphetamine and cocaine. A smaller 29 kg heroin seizure at Raigarh that year reinforced the state’s vulnerability.

Gujarat ports, led by Mundra and Gandhidham, accounted for nearly 65% of narcotics seized, valued at more than Rs 7,300 crore. A single 2,988 kg heroin haul at Mundra in 2021 underlined the state’s emergence as the main entry point for global drug cartels.

Beyond these, Tamil Nadu’s Tuticorin port recorded a cocaine seizure worth Rs 1515 crore in 2021, making it the third major hot spot. In contrast, West Bengal’s Kolkata port reported drugs worth only Rs 78 crore, just 0.7% of the total.

Overall, Gujarat and Maharashtra together accounted for more than 85% of port-based drug seizures. Tamil Nadu followed with 13.4%, while West Bengal remained negligible.

Official data noted that no seizures were recorded at Visakhapatnam, Cochin, Chennai, Mangalore, Paradip, Kandla, or Port Blair in the last five years. However, this does not imply these ports are free from trafficking; it may reflect limited detection or trafficker’s reliance on high-volume western gateways.

It is said that Concentration of seizures in Gujarat and Maharashtra reflects cargo volumes and proximity to global routes. With most cases still under trial, the real challenge remains dismantling the networks behind these consignments.

Drug Seizures at Indian Ports (2020–2024)
State	2020-2024 - Quantity (KG)		Total Value #
Gujarat	3407	94.19 Lakh*	7,350
Maharashtra	1214		2,367
Tamil Nadu	303		1,515
West Bengal	39	1000**	78
Total	4963		11,310
* Tablets, **Injections, #Cr. INR

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Babus Told to Meet ‘Shady’ Folks — And They're Not Amused

In what’s being dubbed the “Open Door, Closed Eyes” policy, Cabinet Secretary Dr. T.V. Somanathan has issued a circular that’s left Delhi’s bureaucratic circles in a cold sweat. His message to all secretaries? Be more accessible. And no, not just to stakeholders or academics—but even to contractors, trade unionists, and yes, people under investigation. 

"Don’t judge a book by its FIR,” seems to be the new mantra. The letter encourages babus to engage with all kinds of “non-officials” to gain insights, correct policy misperceptions, and welcome fresh ideas. But there’s a catch: meetings must take place in government offices, not five-star lobbies or golf club lounges. And preferably with a witness—er, colleague—present.

Naturally, the bureaucracy is rattled. “What next? High tea with hawala suspects or liaison queens ?” quipped a senior officer. Many see this as a recipe for administrative indigestion. The fear is simple: one photo, one leak, one dodgy visitor—and poof, the career goes up in smoke. Whispers suggest this letter couldn’t have been penned without a quiet nod from the top. After all, no Cabinet Secretary wakes up one day and asks babus to fraternise with the under-investigation crowd on their own. So now, India's steel frame faces a curious dilemma: serve the people, but don’t get served (with a notice). One thing’s clear—the next time someone shady shows up at a sarkari doorstep, the tea may be hot, but the tension will be ice cold.

From Reels to Deals: ED Nabs Instagram Liaison Queen

Power-brokers never die in India—they just reinvent themselves. If the 2000s had Niira Radia, the Instagram era seems to have thrown up Sandeepa Virk, a Chandigarh-based influencer with over a million followers who is now in the Enforcement Directorate’s net. Behind the gloss of selfies and fashion reels, Virk allegedly operated as a liaison woman, striking deals in the shadows. The ED says she was in constant touch with a top executive of the Anil Ambani -owned Reliance Group, and promised to “manage” things in Delhi’s power corridors.

Her brand, Hyboocare, projected itself as a global beauty startup, even claiming FDA approvals. But investigators allege it was little more than a front for fraud. A Punjab Police case accuses Virk of impersonating enforcement officers and duping a woman of ₹6 crore on the pretext of a film project. She allegedly amassed crores in assets despite reporting meagre income. In her interrogation, sources say, Virk even dropped names of top ED officials, claiming she worked for them. Whether bluster or truth, the revelation has rattled corridors of power.

Her arrest comes as the ED intensifies its probe into Anil Ambani and companies linked to him, in connection with diversion of loans worth thousands of crores. Sethuraman, a key Reliance insider, was recently raided for alleged fund diversion from Reliance Capital and Reliance Commercial Finance Ltd. Her proximity to Sethuraman raises the stakes. He sits on the board of Thales Reliance Defence Systems, a venture tied to the Rafale deal. With Anil Ambani questioned only days ago, Virk’s arrest couldn’t have come at a worse time for the once-mighty empire. Sandeepa Virk is more than an Instagram celebrity gone rogue. She is a reminder that in India’s corporate-political maze, liaison agents never vanish—they simply swap landlines for iPhones, lobbying files for DMs, and power lunches for Insta Lives.

How Modi Govt. Stunned Yasin Malik

For decades, Yasin Malik thrived on the politics of engagement. Successive governments in Delhi—from V.P. Singh to Manmohan Singh—summoned him to the table, treating the JKLF chief as a stakeholder in Kashmir. He boasted of meetings with seven prime ministers (VP Singh, Chandra Shekhar, PV Narsimha Rao, HD Deve Gowda, Inder Kumar Gujral, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh), Sonia Gandhi, Left leaders, even RSS functionaries. At one point, he claimed, Ajit Doval himself met him in jail when serving as IB’s special director. Incidentally, Doval is serving in the Modi PMO as NSA for more than a decade.

But all that changed in 2014. The Modi dispensation broke with the past, shutting its doors on separatists and refusing to grant Malik the legitimacy of dialogue. For the first time in his political life, Malik found himself isolated.

The jolt came in February 2019 when Malik told the Delhi High Court how a seemingly casual coffee invitation from the Inspector-General in Srinagar changed his life. He felt it was an invite for mediation once again. But soon he was whisked to the local police station, kept there for seven days as a “State guest,” then slapped with a Public Safety Act order and packed off to Kot Bhalwal Jail in Jammu. By April, the NIA had brought him to Delhi and booked him in a terror funding case.

For a man accustomed to being courted by Delhi’s power corridors, the silence of the Modi government was deafening. Where earlier regimes sought him as a bridge to Kashmir, Modi chose to make him an example—turning dialogue into detention, and engagement into a dead end.

Congress in Bihar: Cart Before the Horse

Trust Congress to do the unusual. In Bihar, the party has had no state committee for nearly seven years, no Pradesh Election Committee, and no clarity on seats. Yet, it has already held two screening committee meetings to “shortlist” candidates. Ajay Maken, who heads the panel, flew into Patna on August 13, met ticket hopefuls and went back. Finally, the two meetings were held last week. The bigger irony: The last state committee was formed under Ashok Choudhary before he left for JD(U). His successors—Madan Mohan Jha, Akhilesh Prasad Singh, and now Akash Ram—couldn’t put together a new unit or Pradesh Election Committee.

So, without a proper structure, the party is already screening aspirants. A bit like announcing a cricket team without knowing the venue—or the match! No wonder observers are smiling that Congress has once again put the cart smartly before the horse. 

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

VP Poll Twist: Four Blank Ballots Speak Louder

The Vice Presidential election was supposed to be a routine sweep for the NDA. Instead, it has turned into a thriller. Of 767 MPs who voted, 15 ballots were junked. But the real bombshell? Four ballot papers were left completely blank — not a single tick. Silence in ink, but loud in message. 

The numbers tell their own story. NDA’s C.P. Radhakrishnan bagged 452 votes — 15 more than expected. The INDIA Bloc was left bleeding, scraping together 300 instead of its claimed 315. Fingers are pointing everywhere: Shiv Sena (UBT) and Sharad Pawar’s NCP are in the dock, though they deny desertion. In Punjab, AAP is rattled, with five MPs — including Swati Maliwal — under suspicion. A Samajwadi Party MP is believed to have jumped ship, while whispers point to one each from the DMK, JMM, and RJD as well. But even as the INDIA Bloc scrambles for answers, unease brews in NDA ranks. The four blank ballots look less like accidents and more like deliberate signals — MPs keeping their powder dry, hinting at deals with “future masters.” The mystery is deepening: who are these invisible players, and what game are they setting up for tomorrow?

Social media had been flooded with rumours that some NDA MPs would betray their own. That didn’t happen. Instead, the betrayal took a different, subtler shape. Blank votes have left both camps guessing, opening up a political whodunit that refuses to die down. For now, nobody is naming names. But in Delhi’s corridors of power, one thing is certain — the blanks are not empty. They are loaded.

Chirpy Dhankhar Back, But Questions Still Hang

Jagdeep Dhankhar looked anything but a man in retreat as he breezed into Rashtrapati Bhavan last week for C.P. Radhakrishnan’s swearing-in. Chirpy, smiling, and chatting away as if nothing had happened, the former Vice-President was the surprise showstopper of the ceremony. Dhankhar had shocked everyone on July 21 by resigning after a full day in the Rajya Sabha, chopping short a term meant to run till August 2027. He claimed “health grounds”, but speculation of political pressure never died down. His 53-day vanishing act only fuelled the mystery, with Kapil Sibal even threatening a Habeas corpus plea.

Now relocated to a south Delhi farmhouse, Dhankhar was back in his element — swapping pleasantries, sipping tea, and sending his aide scurrying to note MPs eager to meet him. The only thing missing? His trademark tongue. On the real reason for quitting, Dhankhar remains zipped. Sources say he is waiting for the allotment of a Type VIII bungalow in the Lutyens' Delhi and settling down. The allotment may come anytime.  He will continue to remain in the news.

Faith Bends Left to Ayyappa, TMC Backs Durga

Indian politics is taking a divine detour. The CPI(M), long the flag-bearer of atheism, is now invoking Lord Ayyappa. On December 20, the Pinarayi Vijayan government will host the Global Ayyappa Sammagam at Pamba near Sabarimala — a dramatic U-turn from 2018, when it backed the Supreme Court order allowing young women into the shrine, sparking a massive backlash. With elections looming, the Left is clearly keen to heal wounds and woo devotees.

In Bengal, Mamata Banerjee’s TMC is doubling down on Durga. State aid for puja organisers has been raised to ₹1.1 lakh each, a ₹500-crore spend this year, while slogans of “Jai Maa Durga” and “Jai Jagannath” are being rolled out to blunt the BJP’s “Jai Shri Ram” pitch. Even the Left is tiptoeing into pandals, recasting Durga Puja as “culture, not religion.” Even Bengal’s Left leaders have begun visiting Durga Puja pandals, reframing the festival as “culture, not religion.” From Kerala to Kolkata, secular parties are now finding sanctuary in the sacred.

Vajpayee at 75 vs Modi at 75

It’s a rare coincidence in BJP’s journey. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the party’s first Prime Minister, was in office when he turned 75 in 1999. His birthday was celebrated with enthusiasm but largely steered by a handful of party leaders and his family — through blood donation camps, media tributes, and special articles. Now, as Narendra Modi turns 75 on September 17, the scale is far bigger. His birthday is being branded “Sewa Diwas” and observed as a fortnight-long national event, with not just the BJP but central and state governments rolling out schemes, welfare programs, and public outreach.

One common link between the two milestones is Vijay Goel — a trusted organiser who was part of Vajpayee’s birthday committee and now serves as Vice Chairman of Gandhi Darshan under Modi. The Opposition, which had criticised Vajpayee’s celebrations for using official resources, has raised similar objections now, though its voice is noticeably more subdued.

When Vajpayee turned 75, he had to silence speculation about stepping down with his famous remark: ‘I am neither tired nor retired.’ Modi, however, never faced such a dilemma. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat pre-empted the debate, making it clear in Delhi long before the question could even arise.”

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Smaller Parties Call the Shots,

NDA, INDIA Bloc face Music in Bihar

Harish Gupta

In Bihar, all three major parties — RJD, BJP and JD(U) — are under pressure from their smaller allies, who have begun flexing their muscles. These smaller parties are raising their demands for more seats as they think that the responsibility to keep the alliances intact is with them.

Even today, Union Minister and LJP Chief Chirag Paswan fired yet another warning shot towards the ruling BJP-JDU alliance saying that he is like “salt on vegetables" and could affect 20,000 to 25,000 votes in every constituency. The LJP is largest within the NDA of the three such allies: Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha, LJP (Ram Vilas), and Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Morcha. In the last polls, Chirag fought alone, while Kushwaha floated his own front with AIMIM and BSP. Manjhi stayed with the NDA, contested seven seats and won four. This time, Manjhi is demanding 15–20 seats, threatening to field candidates on 50–100 seats if denied. Chirag is demanding 40 seats and refusing to settle for less than 30. Kushwaha has not spelt out his number yet but wants nothing less than eight seats.

On the INDIA bloc side, apart from RJD, there are Congress, three Left parties, and Mukesh Sahni’s VIP and Pashupati Paras’ faction of LJP and Hemant Soren’s JMM. The Congress wants 70 seats, Sahni has demanded 60 seats. Among the Left, CPI and CPM are flexible, but CPI(ML) wants 40 seats; last time it got 19. The buzz is that RJD is using Sahni’s demands as leverage to keep Congress in check.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Trump’s Tariffs Bite Back – Americans Pay the Price

Donald Trump promised to “make America affordable again.” Instead, food, energy, and household costs are climbing faster than in years. Food prices are projected to rise 3.4% in 2025, above the 20-year average, while electricity bills have soared 34% since 2020. Economists blame Trump’s sweeping tariffs and his “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (OBBBA), which also repealed clean energy tax credits, for fueling inflation.

Scrapping the “de minimis” rule—once allowing $800 duty-free imports—has disrupted supply chains and forced carriers like India Post to stop U.S. deliveries, pushing costs higher. Senator Patty Murray says the average American household will lose $2,400 this year due to Trump’s tariffs. Groceries show the steepest pain. Tariffs on goods from Mexico, Canada, China and Asian exporters are set to raise prices by up to 4% for fresh items and 37% for staples like coffee and chocolate.

Energy costs are surging too. Tariffs on steel and aluminum have inflated infrastructure expenses for power generation, with forecasts warning of $170 billion in added household bills by 2034. Critics say Trump’s trade gambit has boomeranged—making life costlier, squeezing low-income families hardest, and leaving Wall Street worried about how much worse it could get. 

Gadkari New Target as Power Dynamics Shift

All is not well in the right wingers considered close to the BJP as the social media firestorm reveals deep fissures. With recent moves signaling bonhomie between the RSS and the BJP , it was presumed that peace would prevail. But sudden vilification of  Union Minister Nitin Gadkari by right-wing social media handles has surprised many. Once celebrated as the BJP’s most efficient minister, credited with reshaping India’s highways and modernising infrastructure, Gadkari now finds himself under relentless attack. Troll campaigns accuse him of driving the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) into heavy debt, hiking toll taxes excessively, and pushing ethanol blending in fuel—allegedly harming vehicle mileage. 

Memes, sarcastic reels, and mocking hashtags trend almost daily, with both BJP critics and hardcore right-wing supporters joining the fray. Observers see more than just policy backlash. Gadkari’s occasional candid remarks—seen as questioning certain government priorities—have reportedly irked the power centre. Whispers about his potential exit from key roles have gained traction, triggering a pre-emptive campaign to cut him down to size. The question remains—are these social media attacks warning signals to Gadkari or a sign of deeper fissures within the Parivar.

Surprisingly, the two Opposition parties- the Congress and the TMC - have accused Gadkari’s sons of profiteering from the government’s policy of ethanol-blended petrol. Adding fuel to the fire are claims that his son’s company, Signet Ecotech, has seen its valuation skyrocket—from ₹5,990 crore in 2021 to ₹9,591 crore in 2024—implying possible conflict of interest. “The father sits in the government making policies, while the sons make money,” they alleged. Is something cooking??

CPR: The Umpire Who Won’t Play Political Games

When C.P. Radhakrishnan walks into the Vice President’s office, he will carry with him a reputation built over four decades—of being a sportsperson in spirit, but never a player in politics. Prime Minister Narendra Modi summed it up neatly at the NDA parliamentary meet the other day: Radhakrishnan “loves sports but doesn’t play games in politics.” 

The comment was more than a compliment. It was also a quiet assurance that the man now presiding over the Rajya Sabha is cut from a different cloth than his predecessor Jagdeep Dhankhar, who quit amid reports of strained ties with the ruling party and cozying up to Opposition leaders to escape impeachment heat. If Dhankhar was accused of dribbling between camps, Radhakrishnan is being projected as a straight player—no tricks, no foul play.

Radhakrishnan, a former Tamil Nadu BJP chief and lifelong RSS worker, has earned his stripes with a simple lifestyle, clean record, and loyalty to the organisation. From his Jana Sangh days to his gubernatorial stint in Maharashtra, he has kept away from factional feuds and intrigue—rare traits in Delhi’s power corridors.

As Vice President, he will need those qualities to steer a deeply divided Upper House. Allies say he is more umpire than player—firm, fair, and unlikely to bend rules. In an era of sharp political gamesmanship, Radhakrishnan’s greatest strength may be that he refuses to play.

GM  Maize Creeps In Through backdoor

Field trials of two genetically modified (GM) maize varieties are set to begin at Punjab Agricultural University (PAU), Ludhiana, this kharif season, raising fresh debate over whether India is opening the door—quietly—to commercial cultivation of GM food crops amid tensions with the USA. India has resolved to protect the interests of its farmers. The Genetic Engineering Appraisal Committee (GEAC), India’s apex regulator, cleared Bayer Crop Science’s proposal for “confined field trials” of herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant maize, after the Punjab government issued a No Objection Certificate. PAU Vice-Chancellor Satbir Singh Gosal is on record to say that the university’s role was limited to research.

But critics see a creeping legitimisation of GM food crops. The Coalition for a GM-Free India has urged Punjab to revoke its NOC, pointing to the State’s 2018 ban on glyphosate sales due to health and environmental hazards. India currently allows only Bt cotton for commercial cultivation, though GM mustard was cleared for environmental release in 2022 amid legal challenges. Several other crops—including rice, maize, sorghum, wheat, and groundnut—are undergoing field trials. Critics argue such “confined” studies gradually normalise GM technology, effectively serving as a backdoor to commercial entry of US companies to gladden the US administration.

How EC Climbs Down, Step by Step

In a remarkable sequence of quiet retreats, the Election Commission (EC) has steadily softened its once rigid stance on the Special Intensive Roll revision process for 2025. The first shift came soon after the Commission’s tough June 24 directions. By August 1, when the draft rolls were published, a large chunk of the electorate found itself included—even without furnishing the mandated documents. That ensured that the disenfranchisement feared earlier did not materialize, though it also marked a notable climb down by the poll body.

The second concession was prompted by the Supreme Court’s August 14 order. The Court directed the EC to publish booth-wise details of voters who figured in the pre-SIR 2025 rolls but were missing in the August 1 draft. Importantly, the reasons for their exclusion had to be put on the Commission’s website, searchable by EPIC number. Transparency, which the EC had resisted citing logistical challenges, thus became mandatory.

The third retreat related to Aadhaar. The Commission had consistently maintained that Aadhaar was not among the 11 stipulated identity proofs. Yet, after repeated nudges from the apex court—especially regarding 65 lakh voters on the deletion list—the EC conceded it would consider Aadhaar as supporting evidence for inclusion of claims. Finally, another significant concession surfaced on September 1. The EC agreed to accept claims, objections, and corrections beyond its own deadline of September 1, continuing the process until the last date of nominations. This effectively extended the window for redressal to aggrieved voters. Taken together, these four steps signal a striking retreat from the EC’s earlier “high horse.” The once inflexible poll panel has been compelled to bend—quietly, but unmistakably—in favor of inclusion and transparency.

Then came the finale on September 8 when the SC directed the EC to include Aadhaar card as the “12th document” that can be produced as proof of identity for the purpose of inclusion in the revised voter list. However,  EC officials will be entitled to verify the authenticity and genuineness of Aadhaar cards produced by the voters.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

From Hugs to Hostility: Why Trump Is Turning On Modi

The once-hyped “bromance” between Donald Trump and Narendra Modi has soured badly, triggering a punishing 50% tariff on Indian goods. Multiple insiders in India and Washington have listed multiple reasons for this souring relations recently. They trace the rupture to September 2024 when Indian officials reached out to both Trump and Kamala Harris during Modi’s U.S. visit. When Harris showed reluctance, Modi pulled back from Trump’s scheduled meeting. Lokmat was the first to report it. The Fly On The Wall column published on March 6, 2025 carried this part of the story. New Delhi's last minute back off stung Trump hard.

Then came Modi's reluctance to allow Trump to mediate in the India-Pak ceasefire and his lunch with Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir prompted the PM to decline a White House visit during the G-7 summit. Trump retaliated with 50% tariffs and appears to be striking at the heart of India’s soft power now – its people. Indians account for nearly 75% of all H-1B visas, supplying Silicon Valley and U.S. tech firms with engineers, coders, and data scientists. Compounding the squeeze, Trump’s sprawling “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” contains a clause taxing money sent abroad by foreign workers. Initially floated at 5%, the levy has been pared to 1% after push back but could still skim billions off Indian remittances. India is the world’s top remittance recipient, with inflows hitting a record $135.5 billion in FY25.

With trust frayed and Trump still smarting over slights, normalizing relations may take far longer than either side admits. Trump's reluctance to visit India  for the Quad summit is another gentle snub.

How Modi Is Handling Trump’s Offensive

As Trump ramps up pressure—slapping 50% tariffs, tightening H-1B visas and even proposing a levy on overseas remittances—New Delhi is opting for quiet resistance over public confrontation. Despite the chill, Indian officials continue to insist that “lines of communication are open” and that trade negotiations remain on track. Yet, New Delhi has stayed conspicuously silent on controversies—be it Trump’s repeated claims of mediating an India-Pakistan ceasefire or reports of his bruised ego over perceived snubs. This deliberate ambiguity allows India to project dialogue without validating narratives that frame the rift as personal.

One such narrative is the report that Modi ignored four of Trump’s calls—fuel for speculation that India is quietly signalling displeasure. Diplomats call it tactical silence, designed to avoid confrontation while sending a subtle message: India will not be seen as capitulating to personality-driven demands.

Meanwhile, India has intensified its Washington outreach—hiring a second high-profile lobbying firm to engage Trump’s advisers, Congressional leaders and industry lobbies. The goal: temper the tariff rhetoric and re-frame the relationship as a strategic partnership, not a transactional one. Behind the scenes, India is said to be lobbying U.S. corporate leaders and Congressional allies to temper Trump’s hard line stance. For now, New Delhi’s approach is clear—keep talking, stay calm and wait for the storm to pass—while reinforcing that India will not bend under pressure. Simultaneously, India is fast-tracking the process of normalizing its ties with China. The hug, carpool and animated discussions with Putin sent a clear signal of cementing ties with Russia.

GM  Maize Creeps In Through backdoor

Field trials of two genetically modified (GM) maize varieties are set to begin at Punjab Agricultural University (PAU), Ludhiana, this kharif season, raising fresh debate over whether India is opening the door—quietly—to commercial cultivation of GM food crops amid tensions with the USA. India has resolved to protect the interests of its farmers. The Genetic Engineering Appraisal Committee (GEAC), India’s apex regulator, cleared Bayer Crop Science’s proposal for “confined field trials” of herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant maize, after the Punjab government issued a No Objection Certificate. PAU Vice-Chancellor Satbir Singh Gosal is on record to say that the university’s role was limited to research.

But critics see a creeping legitimisation of GM food crops. The Coalition for a GM-Free India has urged Punjab to revoke its NOC, pointing to the State’s 2018 ban on glyphosate sales due to health and environmental hazards. India currently allows only Bt cotton for commercial cultivation, though GM mustard was cleared for environmental release in 2022 amid legal challenges. Several other crops—including rice, maize, sorghum, wheat, and groundnut—are undergoing field trials. Critics argue such “confined” studies gradually normalise GM technology, effectively serving as a backdoor to commercial entry of US companies to gladden the US administration.

Bhagwat Clears Age Confusion, may still set an example !

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has firmly put to rest speculation over a 75-year retirement norm, declaring that 80 is the new threshold for public and political life. Confusion had arisen after Bhagwat, at a book launch in Nagpur, jokingly referred to the “75-year shawl” presented to late senior RSS functionary Moropant Pingle as a polite hint to step aside. The remark was widely interpreted as a signal to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who, like Bhagwat, turns 75 this September.

Speaking at Vigyan Bhawan, Bhagwat clarified, “I never said that anyone, including myself, must retire at 75.” He added that if asked to work at an RSS branch even at 80, he would gladly do so — signalling a shift in the organisation’s unwritten age code. The new benchmark effectively allows Modi to remain at the helm beyond at least 2030, potentially surpassing Jawaharlal Nehru’s record as India’s longest-serving Prime Minister.

Still, Bhagwat kept the suspense alive, noting, “At least 10 senior functionaries sitting here (Vigyan Bhawan) can succeed me.” Whether this hints at his own exit after September 11 or was merely reassurance of RSS’s leadership depth remains open to interpretation.