by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Modi’s Dream, Congress’s Nightmare

After the Bihar win, Narendra Modi confidently declared that the Congress “will split.” It wasn’t a casual post-poll boast. Ever since he arrived in Delhi in 2014, Modi has worked steadily to engineer a rupture in the Grand Old Party. Nearly 13 Congress Chief Ministers or senior satraps — including Ashok Chavan, Capt. Amarinder Singh, S.M. Krishna, Digambar Kamat, Pema Khandu, Narayan Rane, N. Biren Singh and Jagdambika Pal — crossed over to the BJP. At one point,  Ghulam Nabi Azad came perilously close to triggering an actual split, but the move fizzled out and he formed his own party. 

Today, the vulnerabilities are again visible. State leaders are restless after repeated defeats, and the old guard is frustrated with Rahul Gandhi’s personality-driven style and his heavy reliance on a tightly controlled “core political group.” Ironically, many members of Rahul’s original team — Jyotiraditya Scindia, R.P.N. Singh, Jitin Prasada, Sushmita Dev and others — have already defected. His current loyalists — Ajay Maken, Randeep Surjewala, Deepender Hooda, Sachin Pilot, Gaurav Gogoi, Bhupen Borah — have not been able to restore confidence inside the party.

The new “core” — Sachin Rao, Krishna Allavaru, Harshavardhan Sapkal, Meenakshi Natarajan and others — has failed to deliver. Rahul’s choices in states such as Ajay Rai (UP), Harshavardhan Sapkal (Maharashtra) and Sunny Joseph (Kerala) have left leaders wondering and sulking. The BJP’s calibrated mix of ED pressure and soft landings in saffron ranks keeps the cracks widening. Can the Congress really split now? The answer lies in arithmetic and optics. The BJP knows its post-2024 dip has narrowed the electoral gap, and a fractured Congress is the surest way to block any national challenge before 2029. Yet a formal split is not inevitable. That leaves Rahul Gandhi at a decisive crossroads. Unless he recalibrates the organization and shares real power, Modi’s prophecy may well become political reality.

The Lucky Elite

Governors and Lieutenant Governors typically serve five and three years respectively, at the President's pleasure—but in the Modi era, a select "lucky" few shatter these norms, racking up tenures far beyond convention through single stints or job-hopping across states.

Acharya Devvrat reigns supreme as the Modi administration's ironman Governor, clocking over a decade in office: Himachal Pradesh from August 2015 to July 2019, then Gujarat since July 22, 2019—now with Maharashtra's extra crown after C.P. Radhakrishnan's VP upgrade. Anandiben Patel's marathon run kicked off in Madhya Pradesh (January 2018), then Uttar Pradesh since July 29, 2019, hitting 5 years and 170 days plus as UP's longest-ever Governor. Arif Mohammed Khan (Kerala since September 6, 2019, now Bihar) and P.S. Sreedharan Pillai (Mizoram October 2019, now Goa) both top six years of unbroken power.

Mangubhai Chhaganbhai Patel grips Madhya Pradesh since July 8, 2021, leveraging his Gujarat Assembly Speaker cred for staying power. Lieutenant Governor stars shine bright too: Admiral (Retd.) Devendra Kumar Joshi rules Andaman & Nicobar for 6+ years; Praful Patel dominates Dadra & Nagar Haveli-Daman & Diu plus Lakshadweep for 8; Manoj Sinha just breached five years in Jammu & Kashmir; Ajay Bhalla helms Manipur with Nagaland's bonus portfolio. These super-tenured appointees bring to light a juicy Modi playbook twist: loyalty pays dividends in extended luxury gigs, defying tradition amid political chess.

A Sunday Budget? Govt’s Big February 1 Dilemma

The pre-Budget buzz has begun in North Block, but an unusual cloud hangs low over the 2026 Union Budget: will there even be a February 1 Budget this time? The date that has become a Narendra Modi–era ritual now poses a bureaucratic headache — because February 1, 2026, is a Sunday. Since Arun Jaitley rewrote Budget tradition in 2017, February 1 has been sacrosanct. But Parliament doesn’t sit on Sundays, government offices stay shut, and global markets are closed. Should the Finance Minister walk into Parliament on a locked-down Sunday — or push the Budget to February 2?

Adding a twist, Guru Ravidas Jayanti also falls on February 1, but the Centre has notified it as a restricted holiday, meaning offices can remain open. So the religious-calendar hurdle is minor. The real question is: will the Modi government break its own February 1 streak?

The Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs is expected to announce the Budget Session schedule in early January. Bureaucrats whisper that either North Block or Parliamentary Affairs may soon step in with a clarification. History suggests the government could brazen it out. Budgets have been presented on Saturdays — even on a Sunday in 1999. But with no official word yet, Delhi’s power corridors are abuzz: Is India heading for its first Sunday Budget in the Modi era — or a rare date shift?

Akhilesh Yadav’s Big Moment

The Mahagathbandhan may have lost Bihar and Rahul Gandhi may have been facing the wrath of the INDIA bloc parties once again. But in contrast, the SP chief Akhilesh Yadav is drawing unusually positive attention as Akhilesh campaigned in helicopters across the state for many days though SP was not given a single seat in Bihar. His role in keeping the INDIA bloc together is also being appreciated. Even in Haryana, the Congress did not give any seat to SP and yet Akhilesh, unlike the Aam Aadmi Party, did not put up candidates to weaken the Congress.
It is learnt that Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin wants Akhilesh to campaign in Tamil Nadu for the “secular-progressive alliance although the Yadav community is not influential there —as in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

The Great Corporate Cleanse at massive Rs 7.7 lakh crores  cost, 

Bad Loans Vanish + massive incentives 

In just five years, if India’s public sector banks have wiped out Rs 3,18,324 crore of toxic loans belonging to large industries off their books, the corporates quietly pocketed another Rs. 4,53,329 crores in tax incentives – a staggering combined bonanza of over Rs 7.7 lakh crore.

According to official data available, the peak of the write-off was in 2020-21 when banks written off a jaw-dropping Rs 90,641 crore in a single year. Year after year, this is happening, Rs 57,541 crore (2021-22), Rs 72,108 crore (2022-23), Rs 58,359 crore (2023-24). Even during the financial year 2024-25, Rs 39,675 crore (provisional) has disappeared from balance sheets.

The Government insists these are mere “technical write-offs” – not waivers. Borrowers remain liable, and banks continue chasing dues through courts, SARFAESI, and IBC. Yet, the data shows that in the best year so far (2024-25), banks managed to recover only 46.64% of the amount written off during that very year. In 2020-21, the recovery rate dropped to a dismal 18.58%, 

Meanwhile, corporate tax breaks flowed like clockwork. Rs 94,110 crore (2019-20), Rs. 75,218 crore (2020-21), Rs 96,892 crore (2021-22), Rs 88,109 crore (2022-23), and a fresh high of 98,999 crore in 2023-24, almost 1 lakh crore in a single year handed back to corporate through various deductions and exemptions.

The Ministry of Finance points to brighter spots, gross NPAs of public sector banks have crashed from 9.11% in March 2021 to a provisional 2.58% in March 2025, and fresh bad loans are at a record low. But the sheer scale of loans vanishing from books, coupled with near Rs 1 lakh crore annual tax gifts, has reignited questions about who ultimately pays the price when large borrowers default in thousands of crores while small farmers and home-loan borrowers face attachment orders for defaults running into lakhs.

The Ministry says write-offs do not benefit the borrower, however, the numbers, , tell a different story on the ground.

Loans written-off by Public Sector Banks
Year	Amount *
2020-21	90,641
2021-22	57,541
2022-23	72,108
2023-24	58,359
2024-25#	39,675
* Amounts in crore Rs.
# Provisional

Major Tax Incentives for Corporate Taxpayers
Year	Amount*
2019-20	94,109.83
2020-21	75,218.02
2021-22	96,892.39
2022-23	88,109.27
2023-24	98,999.57
* Amounts in crore Rs.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

The Importance of being Shashi Tharoor

The BJP’s Kerala project has long lacked a catalytic figure—someone with popular appeal, administrative credibility, and cross-community acceptance. In Assam, that role was played by Himanta Biswa Sarma, whose defection from the Congress not only transformed the BJP’s electoral fortunes but also reconfigured the political landscape of the entire Northeast. Increasingly, BJP strategists wonder: Could Shashi Tharoor play a similar role in Kerala?

The question gains traction as the BJP’s Kerala graph shows unmistakable upward movement. From 11.40% in the 2021 Assembly polls to a combined NDA vote share of 19.24% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections—and a historic win in Thrissur—the party has moved from symbolic presence to meaningful foothold. It emerged a strong second in Thiruvananthapuram with 37.12%, posted impressive numbers in seven seats. With Rajeev Chandrasekhar taking charge as state president in 2025, the party is readying for the next leap. 

This is where Tharoor fits in. Among Kerala’s youth and women, his popularity rivals, and often exceeds, that of local political heavyweights. Unlike most Congress leaders, his appeal cuts across religion and class lines, especially in urban constituencies and among first-time voters. If Sarma gave the BJP ideological flexibility and administrative muscle in Assam, Tharoor could provide intellectual legitimacy, cosmopolitan appeal, and cross-community access in Kerala—a state where cultural sophistication matters as much as political messaging.

For the BJP, Tharoor represents more than a high-profile defection; he is the potential “Assam moment” for Kerala.  And with the state heading into December panchayat polls—where the BJP currently controls just 1,550 of 65,000 panchayats—the party is desperate for a transformative figure. The parallels with Sarma are not perfect—but the political possibilities are too powerful to ignore.

New BJP Chief in the New Year !

When Union Home Minister Amit Shah said the BJP would elect its new national president after the Bihar polls, it was widely assumed the transition would be wrapped up before year-end. That timeline has quietly slipped, so it seems. The party is now working on its own slow, methodical schedule, and the election may take place only in January 2026. Organizational elections in 29 states have already been completed, with UP, Karnataka and a couple of others still pending. These remaining units will be wrapped up in the next four to six weeks, clearing the deck for the national election.

Complicating the calendar is the month-long Kharmas—an inauspicious period from December 14, during which no major appointments are made. As a result, the new president can only be elected after January 14 but before the Budget Session begins January end. The BJP high command is keen not to push the exercise any further. Several names are in circulation for the top post like Dharmendra Pradhan, Bhupender Yadav, Manohar Lal Khattar, and Shivraj Singh Chouhan. But a strong argument is being made that if the BJP wants deeper traction among Dalit voters, the time has come to elevate a leader from the community. In this context, UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya is being viewed as a serious contender. The first person from the Dalit community to serve as party president was Bangaru Laxman and he had to quit unceremoniously. Therefore, the BJP may make an attempt after 25 years.

Bhagwat Steps In to Repair BJP's Dalit Connect

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has quietly taken charge of the BJP’s Dalit outreach after the party’s setbacks in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. For months, Sangh insiders say Bhagwat had been signaling the need to “win back Dalit confidence” and hands-on intervention. Bhagwat spent five days in Varanasi recently, PM Modi’s constituency. He traveled to a Kabir ashram in Lakhimpur, held closed-door interactions with Dalit followers, and met local leaders who have been warning the Sangh about growing alienation among marginalized communities.

At a broader level, Bhagwat has matched visits with pointed speeches, urging Hindu society to rise above caste divisions. He has promoted collective celebration of festivals like Valmiki Jayanti, Ravidas Jayanti, and called for inclusivity in public places—temples, water wells, and crematoriums—often dominated by higher castes. Bhagwat’s annual Vijayadashami address in 2024 emphasized friendship across caste lines. The RSS runs several dedicated programs under its affiliate, Samajik Samrasta Manch, which focus on Dalit empowerment through education, healthcare, and vocational training. Initiatives such as inter-caste meals (Samajik Samrasta Bhoj).

Bhagwat has now issued firm instructions to RSS pracharaks: conduct dedicated outreach camps in Dalit-dominated districts, engage with community leaders. The Sangh is also mapping constituencies where Dalit disenchantment hurt the BJP most, especially in UP, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. Bhagwat’s intervention is being read within the BJP as a clear message—Dalit consolidation cannot be taken for granted, and the road to 2029 in Parliament will require course correction, not complacency.

MHA Faces Its Own Command Crisis After SC Blow

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) faces renewed pressure to implement long-pending cadre reforms in the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) after the Supreme Court rejected its review plea on the contentious issue of IPS deputations. The SC dismissed the MHA’s petition challenging the May 23 verdict that ordered the Centre to complete cadre reviews in all CAPFs—CRPF, BSF, CISF, ITBP, and SSB—within six months. The court said no case was made for reconsideration and refused to grant an open hearing.

The earlier ruling had directed a gradual reduction in IPS deputation posts within two years, citing stagnation and morale issues among CAPF cadre officers who serve under “demanding conditions.” The court also asked the Department of Personnel and Training to act within three months of receiving MHA’s compliance report. With the review plea dismissed, the MHA must now walk a political and administrative tightrope—between IPS dominance and the CAPF cadre’s growing demand for upward mobility. Insiders say Home Minister Amit Shah is not the one to take things lying down and may try to find a way to overcome the SC setback.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta 

Why India Won’t Name Pakistan or JeM — Yet

The Red Fort blast has triggered outrage, high-level meetings and an all-agency dragnet. Yet one element stands out: the government’s unusual silence on Pakistan and Jaish-e-Mohammad — even though recent investigations in Srinagar, including the emergence of the “white coat” module and appearance of JeM posters, have clearly indicated the group’s renewed activity.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, speaking in Bhutan, called the blast a “conspiracy” and promised that “conspirators will not be spared”. Union Home Minister Amit Shah warned that the culprits would face the “full wrath” of agencies. But India has not named JeM, Pakistan, or cross-border handlers — a striking contrast to the last terror incident in April in Pahalgam. The Pak & JeM links were clearly established in Pahalgam that led to Operation Sindoor.

This raises a few important questions. If JeM networks are resurfacing in Kashmir, why is the Centre avoiding explicit attribution? Are investigators seeing something more complex — perhaps a hybrid module, a cut-out, or a domestic link that requires caution? Or is New Delhi waiting to avoid the diplomatic blow back of a premature accusation?

Officials point to three reasons. First, the government wants a single, airtight evidentiary chain before making a public attribution — especially after past instances where early naming complicated investigations. Second, India’s diplomatic posture now leans on evidence-heavy claims to strengthen its case in FATF and global counter-terror forums. Third, a premature charge would give Islamabad an opportunity to dismiss the blast as “politicized”.  Additionally, the Turkey angle has also surfaced for the first time in the "white coat" terror act. 

The message is deliberate: proceed with facts, not assumptions. The calibrated silence suggests the government wants the investigation to speak first — and speak decisively — before Delhi escalates the matter to a geopolitical stage.

Why did the police fail to track Dr Umar Nabi ?

The probe agencies are saying that the mastermind of the Red Fort blast Dr Umar Nabi panicked and the blast in his car took place at Red Fort by accident. But there are many lurking questions as to why the toll plazas in Haryana were not alerted by the J&K and Haryana Police on November 8-9 night when Al Falah University premises were raided together to catch the doctors involved in the conspiracy.

Accepted that Dr Umar Nabi's name was revealed on November 9 by Dr Muzammil Ganai and search began for him. But Dr Umar had fled on October 30 itself from the Al-Falah institute. He knew Dr Ganai could spill the beans of his involvement in the module soon. He hid at nearby Nuh city in a rented accommodation for more than ten days along with his car. But toll plazas across Haryana were not alerted to check all outbound vehicles immediately. Umar's i20 car was spotted at a toll plaza on November 9 midnight on the way to enter Delhi.

There was no alert in Delhi about Dr Umar or his car HR 26 throughout November 9-10. There were other lapses too. But India was lucky enough that this “Doctors-Terror” module was exposed in time by a senior Cop who himself had earned a degree in medicine in 2010 but chose to become a cop, cleared UPSC exams and later posted in Srinagar as SSP in 2025. Nowgam police station fell under his jurisdiction when JeM posters appeared on Oct 18. Dr GV Sundeep Chakravarthy, SSP did not dismiss them as a routine act of misguided youths and probe ordered. What started on October 18 in the Kashmir Valley, with posters of Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), ended on November 10, with a blast near Delhi’s Red Fort. Rest is history.

SMART Policing on Paper, Failures on Ground

It's a classic case as to how the absence of Smart Police Stations let suspects slip. Nearly ten years after the Prime Minister coined the term “SMART Policing”, India still does not have a single operational Smart Police Station. The gap between projections and preparedness is now unmissable — and costly. Investigators admit that Dr Umar, a key suspect in the terror chain, could have been intercepted at a Haryana check post had even the most basic smart policing features been in place: automated ID verification, integrated criminal databases, vehicle flagging, or real-time alert syncing with NCRP.

Instead, India’s check posts are still manual, paper-driven, and disconnected from national grids. Haryana is not an exception — no state has built a station that meets the promised SMART standards: seamless digital workflows, behavioural analytics, cyber-linked command centres, or AI-assisted suspect tracing.

The government lists dozens of initiatives — ASUMP upgrades, CyTrain courses, cyber-forensic labs in 33 states, JCCT teams, and weekly peer-learning sessions. But these remain parallel cyber improvements, not replacements for outdated police station architecture. Without integrated data pipelines, real-time tracking, or automated red-flag mechanisms, suspects in crimes and terror activities will continue to move across districts without leaving a digital footprint.

A decade of “SMART policing” has produced impressive presentations — but not the smart police stations that could have altered the outcome of these investigations.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Delhi's New Nightmare,

Why security agencies are in a tizzy 

Dr Umar: 3rd suicide bomber  

Harish Gupta

The November 10 attack at Delhi's Red Fort has shaken the security and intelligence agencies. Though a major catastrophe was averted as "Doctor-Terror network" had planned many explosions on December 6, the shoe suicide bomber, Dr Umar Nabi has made agencies extremely worried.

It is not that the suicide bombers have not operated in the country before.The first such known incident took place in Pulwama  (J&K)  in 2019 when a van-borne bomb rammed a military convoy killing 40 soldiers. Three years later, a car filled with potassium nitrate etc. exploded in Tamil Nadu's Coimbatore in October 2022, killing only the driver. He was later identified as Jameesha Mubin, a self-styled operative of the Islamic State (IS) terrorist group. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) probed it and 75 kg of potassium nitrate, aluminum powder, sulfur, etc. was recovered from Mobin's house. The matter ended there.

Now three years later, in November 2025 - ammonium nitrate fuel oil stuffed into the back of a Hyundai i20 detonated atRed Fort. A new weapon - Vehicular-Borne Improvised Explosive Device (VBIEDs) - car bombs, a most dangerous mass-casualty form was fitted by the bomber in his shoe. The suicide bomber Dr Umar had even recorded a video before the incident. The probe has revealed that Dr Umar was not the lone wolf and was part of a core group of 10-12 persons.

The agencies are perplexed that this group was operating for almost two years and no one could even smell anything anywhere. No doubt, this module operated at the instance of Pak-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammed which also operates from Madrassas and Maulvis. Several Islamic clerics from Haryana, UP to J&K were radicalizing them. The security apparatus is worried about this urban radicalized group operating quietly with the silent support of some community members too.

Fly on the wall Harish Gupta  Amit Shah’s Bihar Mission: One State, One Party, One CM Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on a relentless mission — to paint Bihar completely saffron. For Shah, this is not just another state election; it’s a personal redemption arc and a crucial step in his long-cherished dream of keeping the BJP in power “from panchayat to Parliament” for decades. Shah has not forgotten the sting of 2015, when the formidable duo of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar united to block the BJP’s rise. While Nitish Kumar remains nominally in alliance with the BJP, Shah’s long game is clear: Bihar must one day have a BJP Chief Minister. Shah is personally micro-managing every move in the polls — from booth committees to campaign strategy — and leading from the front on the ground. This time, the BJP and JD(U) are contesting 101 seats each — but beneath the surface of this numerical parity lies a political asymmetry. In the 2020 elections, the BJP won 74 seats to JD(U)’s 43, while the RJD edged out both with 75 seats, becoming the single largest party. In 2025, Shah’s strategy is simple yet audacious: turn the BJP into Bihar’s dominant force.With the entire Hindi heartland — except Punjab and Himachal — already under BJP belt, Bihar is the only missing piece in Shah’s grand political puzzle. If the BJP becomes a single-largest party, a new script may be written. The BJP has mastered the art of making governments in states. It won’t just be another victory — it will be Amit Shah’s revenge, repackaged as resurgence. Finally; Saffron shake up After Bihar Polls  A big churn is ahead in the BJP after Bihar votes. A new party president could take charge soon — and Amit Shah has dropped the clearest hint yet. He has said the BJP may elect a new national president soon after the Bihar elections. “I don’t decide it — the party does, but after the Bihar polls, this can be done,” he said. One of the reasons for retaining J P Nadda is his old association with Bihar as a student. Insiders say the BJP is working overtime to install its own Chief Minister in the state — and the outcome will shape the party’s national strategy. Nadda has been one of the longest for any BJP president — first appointed working president in June 2019 and taking full charge in January 2020, Nadda has already completed two terms and received extensions. It is said that the selection of next chief has to be with extreme care keeping in mind that he will continue in office until the 2029 Lok Sabha polls and beyond. Party insiders also hint that post-Bihar, there could be a wider shake-up — in the cabinet, states, gubernatorial changes and the organization itself. One of the reasons for delay in holding the Winter session of Parliament is attributed to these impending changes. The BJP insiders say that inauspicious period begins from December 15 and changes, if any, had to be made before the onset of Winter session only. Hence, this delay.  These changes will be far-reaching as 12 states will go to polls in 2026 & 2027.  Rahul’s Claims Fall Flat as No ground work by his team Rahul Gandhi’s latest Hydrogen Bomb, where he accused the Election Commission of massive irregularities in the voter rolls, has backfired spectacularly. Gandhi had made three dramatic claims: that 66 voters were listed at one address; that a Brazilian model’s photograph was used against 22 voter names; and that one woman’s image appeared on 200 voter IDs. The first charge — 66 voters at one house in Godarana village, Bahadurgarh — turned out to involve a sprawling family compound of nearly an acre, where multiple generations live together. Every single voter was genuine. The discovery has left Congress red-faced as a basic ground check by workers was not done. Second claim: the “Brazilian model” case linked to Rai village near Sonipat revealed that all the women whose names supposedly carried the model’s image — Sheetal, Manjeet, and Darshana — were alive, local, and very much real. Darshana even produced her voter ID card with her photo.  Third allegation: A woman’s photo used across 200 names, involved Charanjeet from Ambala. She too was found easily and said she had voted only once. Locals confirmed that for over a decade, her picture has mistakenly appeared beside many names in the electoral list despite repeated complaints to officials. Rahul tried to tone down his remarks later. But Congress insiders say Rahul has his own in-house team dedicated to embarrassing him. Tailpiece: Why Jay Shah’s smiling: With the women’s cricket team lifting the ODI World Cup, the two men are also receiving widespread appreciation. One is the team’s coach Amol Muzumdar; the other is ICC President Jay Shah — who is also the BCCI chief. The praise is pouring in for Jay Shah as he turnaround women’s cricket, focused aggressively on women’s cricket, strengthening coaching & training infrastructure and increasing players payments and world class facilities. The World Cup win has become Jay Shah's defining moment in cricket administration. (Kind attention: The Rudy item is optional if short of space)  Rudy’s Quiet Comeback Once sidelined, BJP MP Rajiv Pratap Rudy is making a strong comeback in Bihar’s political theater. At a rally in Saran, Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s warm reference to Rudy as “my friend” signaled the MP’s quiet return to the party’s inner circle. The seven-term parliamentarian had been on the fringes since losing his ministerial berth, but a key victory turned his fortunes around when he defeated Sanjeev Balyan in the Constitution Club of India polls. The contest, marked by Rajput–Jat undertones, gave Rudy fresh political energy. He led “Jai Sanga” yatras across Bihar, invoking the Rajput hero Rana Sanga to consolidate his community’s support. With Shah’s backing and a renewed Rajput base, Rudy’s steady climb shows that in politics, patience and timing often matter more than power.

Amit Shah’s Message: No More Crutches Amit Shah may have spoken in Mumbai about local body elections the other day, but his real message went far beyond Maharashtra. It was aimed at BJP's every regional ally that still believes it has leverage in the NDA. In typically blunt fashion, Shah declared that the BJP no longer needs any “crutches” in Maharashtra while pitching for a "triple engine" government. The comment, made at a party event, was a signal that the days of dependence on allies are over. The BJP, he said, is ready to fight local elections on its own strength—an unmistakable signal to those who matter. It's a different matter that Mahayuti partners will be fighting together in many municipalities.  Once upon a time, the BJP relied on the Shiv Sena’s support. That era is gone. After the split in the Sena, the Election Commission recognized the Shinde faction which sits comfortably with the BJP. In the last Assembly election, the BJP came close to a solo majority with 132 seats out of 145 needed and a 93 percent strike rate. Even without allies, it could have formed the government. Shah’s remarks come a year later as a pointed reminder: the BJP can manage without its partners. The message from Maharashtra has echoes elsewhere. In Bihar and Jharkhand, the BJP has tried—unsuccessfully so far—to shed its allies. But Shah’s statement confirms that the effort continues. He made it clear once again that the NDA is fighting the elections under Nitish Kumar's leadership. "But a formal decision on the CM's post is determined by all MLAs sitting together after the election." The message is loud and clear. The allies are free to chart their own course. Dhankhar’s Return: Calm After the Storm After months of speculation and silence, it now appears that all is well between Jagdeep Dhankhar and the “Parivar”. The former Vice President, who had abruptly resigned citing “health” reasons, maintained a stony silence for 53 days before resurfacing at Rashtrapati Bhawan for the swearing-in of his successor and went back into hibernation. But all seems to be well. Party sources suggest that Dhankhar has decided to remain calm, with BJP’s organisational general secretary B. L. Santosh and senior RSS functionary Krishan Gopal gave him comfort. They had personally reached out to him while he was vacating his official residence. Dhankhar may shift to his newly allotted Type VIII bungalow at 34, APJ Abdul Kalam Road, in Lutyens’ Delhi soon. The choice of bungalow was his own, though the allotment took some time as is customary. Dhankhar declined government guest accommodation and instead shifted briefly to a farmhouse owned by INLD leader Abhay Singh Chautala in Chattarpur. Dhankhar has been assured staff of his choice and will get a pension of ₹2 lakh per month, along with a personal secretary, an additional secretary, a personal assistant, four attendants, a nursing officer, and a physician. In addition, his past tenures entitle him to multiple pensions: ₹45,000 per month as a one-term Lok Sabha MP, and ₹42,000 as an MLA. He is eligible for reimbursement of ₹25,000 for secretarial assistance as former West Bengal Governor . With his residence secured, entitlements settled, and party channels reopened, Dhankhar seems back within the Parivar. Mayawati Frets as Congress Makes Inroads into Dalits The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is in churn. Its once-solid Dalit vote base is showing cracks, and Mayawati is watching with growing unease as the Congress gains traction among Dalit voters after the BSP failed to win a single Lok Sabha seat in 2024, and its vote share in UP plunged to just 9.39% — less than half of what it secured in 2019. Even its loyal Jatav vote, long considered impregnable, drifted away — partly toward the Samajwadi Party–Congress alliance, and in some areas, the BJP. Adding to the turmoil was Mayawati’s abrupt removal of her nephew Akash Anand as national coordinator. The Congress, smarting from past irrelevance in UP, has seized the moment. In the 2024 polls, it tripled its tally in SC-reserved seats from six to 19, thanks to an aggressive “Save the Constitution” campaign that struck a chord with Dalit voters wary of the BJP’s stance on reservation. Sensing the erosion, Mayawati is fighting to reclaim her legacy. At a massive Lucknow rally in October 2025, she warned supporters against “sell-out individuals” being used to fragment the Dalit vote and vowed to go solo in the 2027 UP polls. Whether Mayawati can revive the party’s lost mojo is uncertain. But one thing is clear: the Congress’s resurgence among Dalits has rattled Mayawati like never before. Nitish keeps Bhojpuri Film Crowd Away In Bihar’s Assembly elections, almost every major political party has fielded at least one Bhojpuri film personality — actor, singer or star performer. Not only have they been given tickets, they are being used extensively in the campaign trail. The BJP leads this charge, but Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD is not far behind and gave a ticket to Khesari Lal Yadav. Chirag Paswan’s LJP fielded Seema Singh, though her nomination later got canceled. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj too has fielded actress Pankhuri Pandey. Only Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s party stands out as the exception as it has not fielded a single actor or singer. Traditionally, JD(U) tickets go to grassroots workers and organizational faces. But the BJP has plucked Methili Thakur — known for performing songs-- and fielded her from Alinagar in Darbhanga. The party has also brought Manoj Tiwari, Ravi Kishan and Dinesh Lal ‘Nirahua’ into campaign activity. As these film stars and singers campaign vigorously — drawing crowds not just for themselves but for other candidates too — Nitish Kumar remains conspicuously distant from the Bhojpuri glamour brigade.

Fly on the wall Harish Gupta Two Leaders, One Template At first glance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar appear poles apart — one a national figure commanding global attention, the other a regional satrap balancing fragile alliances. Yet, scratch beneath the surface, and striking similarities emerge between the two longest-serving leaders in Indian politics. Both Modi and Nitish have built their careers on the foundation of personal integrity. In an era where corruption charges have felled many politicians, neither has faced a personal allegation of graft. Their reputations for honesty have become political capital — a key reason their respective constituencies continue to trust them despite shifting alliances and turbulent political landscapes. Ambition defines them both. Modi’s journey from Gujarat Chief Minister to Prime Minister reflects a relentless climb powered by political conviction and sharp strategic sense. Nitish, too, has shown unyielding ambition — whether breaking with the BJP or returning to it — always with an eye on maintaining Bihar’s political centre of gravity around himself. Another shared trait is their reliance on bureaucratic machinery and carefully chosen teams. Both men prefer working with trusted officials who understand their style of governance and execute policies with precision. Modi’s PMO is famously tight-knit and loyal, while Nitish’s administration in Bihar functions through a cadre of long-serving bureaucrats who know his mind. Their longevity in power — over 25 years each — is a testament to political survival skills rarely matched in India’s fast-changing democracy. Honest, ambitious, disciplined, and deeply strategic — Nitish Kumar and Narendra Modi may stand on different political pedestals, but they are, in many ways, two faces of the same political coin. Another striking similarity is their personal restraint. Neither leader has promoted the family. Nitish's son Nishant made a brief appearance before the polls. But he soon vanished from the scene. Everyone Wants SIR in Maharashtra! When the rest of India says no, Maharashtra says yes. Now here’s a political paradox for the ages. Across the country, political parties are crying foul over the Election Commission’s plan for a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists. But in Maharashtra, every party worth its poll symbol is clamouring for it. The EC announced SIR in 12 states & UTs as part of a nationwide clean-up of electoral rolls, Maharashtra excluded. Ironically, the loudest protests against SIR came from the three big opposition-ruled states: West Bengal, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. But the EC ignored their demands. Cut to Maharashtra, where the mood is refreshingly different. Rivals Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray—usually at each other’s throats—are singing the same tune: no elections without cleaning the voters’ list. Even Devendra Fadnavis, the BJP’s strongman and his deputy chief minister, agrees. For once, the Shiv Sena factions, BJP, and Congress seem to share a rare moment of consensus — everyone wants the rolls scrubbed clean. The Supreme Court wants local elections held soon, but without SIR, that’s easier said than done. Rahul Gandhi too had accused the Commission of “creative counting” in Maharashtra’s last polls, so even Congress wants a clean slate this time. And here’s the delicious irony: in states where the ruling parties oppose SIR, the Election Commission insists on it; and where everyone’s begging for it — like Maharashtra — the Commission prefers to wait. In Indian politics, even cleaning a list isn’t clean business. Sonia’s New Shadow There’s a new “companion” in Sonia Gandhi itinerary — and it’s not a veteran loyalist but Ranjeet Ranjan, the spirited MP from Bihar and wife of maverick leader Pappu Yadav. Ever since Sonia moved to the Upper House, Ranjeet has been spotted walking her in and out of Parliament, prompting Congress watchers to label her the Congress matriarch’s new shadow. Ranjeet, a known tennis buff and articulate speaker, was picked to lead the party’s charge on the National Sports Governance Bill — a move that reportedly ruffled former minister Ajay Maken, who had drafted the original version before it was junked by his own government. But what’s puzzling insiders is Ranjeet’s sudden silence. For someone known for her fiery interventions, she’s been missing in the Opposition’s vote chori campaign and other political flash points. Meanwhile, her husband Pappu Yadav, is not a persona non grata now and even shares warm exchanges with Rahul. So, is Ranjeet keeping a safe parliamentary distance from her headline-making husband? No one’s saying. But in Delhi’s gossip corridors, everyone’s whispering: Sonia’s got a new shadow — and she plays doubles better than anyone expected. When Sonia Gandhi went to attend the funeral of the husband of senior party leader and her erstwhile shadow Ambika Soni, She was flanked by Ranjeeta. Tailpiece: Blame the Lokpal Act not the Judges The Lokpal of India is making news for all the wrong reasons. The anti-graft Ombudsman has been hauled over for floating a tender to procure seven luxury BMWs worth ₹70 lakh each. But a deeper look at the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act would reveal that it provided the same salary, allowances and service conditions as that of the Chief Justice of India and other judges. The CJI is allotted a Mercedes and other judges are currently given BMWs. But Lokpal is above all in perception and it failed to convict any corrupt high & mighty in five years. Even here many say the Act is so crafty that the Lokpal has become a toothless tiger.

41 low-margin seats to decide fate of Bihar polls NDA-MGB put their entire might on these seats Harish Gupta With campaigning in full swing now in Bihar, the NDA and Mahagathbandhan (MGB) are keeping a close watch on 40-odd seats that were decided by less than 3000 votes in 2020. The two rival groups have put their entire might behind winning these low margin seats which decided the fate of the government in 2020 as NDA walked away winning the majority of them. Of these 41 seats, the margin of victory was less than 1,000 in 11 seats. The NDA won 7 seats leaving only 4 for MGB. These 11 seats were Bhorey Dehri Bachhwara, Chakai, Matilhani, Barbigha,Hilsa, Kurhani, Bakhri, Ramgarh and Parbatta. Similarly, the margin of victory in 30 seats was between 1000-3000 votes and even here the NDA had won 19 leaving only 9 for MGB and 2 others. The battle was so fierce between the NDA and MGB in 2020 that the margin of votes between the two groups in Assembly seats was 12000 votes. The RJD had even emerged as the single largest party with 75 seats. But its partners could not perform. The NDA insiders say that the focus is on winning a minimum of 160 seats as the NDA had won in 174 segments in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. It had won 30 Lok Sabha seats out of 40. The BJP wants to win at least 36-37 low margin seats out of 41 low margin seats. The focus is also on 11 more seats where the margin of victory was between 3000-5000 votes. The BJP is creating the same fervor in Bihar as it had created in the state in 2024 during Lok Sabha polls. The MGB was ahead in 62 segments only (9 Lok sabha seats).

10 Crore Fake Beneficiaries Axed: A Clean-Up Raises Questions The Modi government may have been beating the drum of weeding out nearly 10 crore fake beneficiaries from welfare rolls, saving the exchequer about ₹4.3 lakh crore. It credited the JAM trinity—Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, and Mobile—for plugging leakages in schemes such as ration cards, LPG subsidies, and scholarships. The government said these “non-existent” names were routinely used under previous regimes to funnel money to middlemen. “Imagine theft of ₹4.3 lakh crore. That money is now being used for the development of the country.”The government has claimed this ahead of a fresh Aadhaar-based verification drive across central schemes including PM-Kisan, Ujjwala Yojna and PDS, to be completed by December 2025. Officials say the data will feed into the next Finance Commission cycle in April 2026, shaping how central funds are allocated to states. Ministries have also been asked to “tweak” eligibility criteria if verification reveals redundancy.Government figures highlight anomalies: in FY25, 2.2 crore ration cardholders did not collect free grains for up to a year, suggesting migration, reduced need, or ghost entries. Direct benefit transfers (DBT) have meanwhile ballooned from just over ₹7,000 crore in 2014 to ₹6.83 lakh crore in FY25, a rise the Centre attributes to digital reform.Yet the scale of savings is difficult to verify. Critics note the ₹4.3 lakh crore figure reflects notional leakages, not actual recoveries from fake beneficiaries, and warn genuine but inactive households could be excluded in the purge. States, which co-administer welfare schemes, may also resist tighter central control through Aadhaar-enabled payment systems. For the government, however, the narrative is clear: Modi has framed the exercise as proof of cleaning up systemic corruption, even as the politics of welfare delivery deepens in the run-up to 2025 &  2026 poll season. 

Fly on the Wall Modi vs Rahul in Bihar — A Real National Face-off Bihar is all set to witness not just another state election but the first major political clash between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi after the 2024 Lok Sabha polls — a high-voltage battle that could shape the national mood. Unlike Maharashtra, Haryana or even Delhi, Bihar has become the ground where both Modi and Rahul have personally staked their reputations, knowing well that whatever happens here will ripple across India’s political landscape. Modi has already made nine visits to Bihar since January this year — addressing rallies, inaugurating projects, and virtually engaging with local groups. For him, Bihar is not just about votes but about reaffirming his connection with the Hindi heartland. He will address 12 rallies during polls. Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, seems unusually charged up — treating Bihar as a political laboratory to test his renewed activism. He has toured the state seven times, held long strategy sessions with state leaders, and even taken to the streets with a two-week Yatra opposing the special revision of the voters’ list. His “Vote Rights March” in Purnea and the subsequent Congress Working Committee meeting in Bihar underline his intent: Rahul wants to turn Bihar into his comeback arena. For both Modi and Rahul, Bihar isn’t just another election — it’s a test of narrative, stamina, and street power. The outcome may well set the tone for the next national political chapter. P Chidambaram sings, Karti gets relief Senior Congress leader and former Union Home Minister in the Manmohan Singh government, P. Chidambaram’s son Karti Chidambaram, who is also a Congress MP from Sivaganga, Tamil Nadu, has received major relief from the court. He has been accused in several cases, including the INX Media scam, and has even spent some time in jail. His passport had earlier been confiscated, and whenever he needed to travel abroad, he was required to seek prior permission from the court — submitting his travel details at least two weeks in advance. Now, the Delhi High Court has granted him a significant reprieve. The court has ended the condition requiring prior permission for foreign travel. This means Karti Chidambaram can now travel abroad without the court’s prior approval. While no one can question the court’s judgment, the timing of this relief to Karti Chidambaram is drawing attention. Questions are being raised about the role of investigating agencies, which did not oppose granting him this relaxation before the court. This relief has come at a time when his father, P. Chidambaram has started taking positions that appear uncomfortable for the Congress Party. In a recent statement, P. Chidambaram indirectly accused the Congress of succumbing to foreign pressure, saying that after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, India wanted to take action against Pakistan but did not do so under U.S. Pressure. The BJP had long been making this allegation, but now Chidambaram himself has confirmed it. Similarly, regarding the 1984 Operation Blue Star, Chidambaram remarked that it was a wrong decision, for which Indira Gandhi paid with her life. Observers believe that in the coming days, he may make more statements that could harm the Congress Party. Haryana’s Double Suicide: A Script Straight Out of a Crime Thriller What began as a suicide by a senior IPS officer in Haryana has now spiraled into one of the most baffling and sensational cases in recent memory — a story that reads like the script of a dark crime thriller. On October 7, IPS officer Parun Kumar allegedly shot himself in the head at his residence. He left behind an eight-page typed note titled “Final Note”, in which he accused nine senior IAS and IPS officers of corruption and sustained harassment. He claimed he was being cornered for refusing to participate in wrongdoing. Exactly eight days later, Assistant Sub-Inspector (ASI) Sandeep Lather also shot himself — in precisely the same manner. His four-page handwritten “Final Note” accused Varun Kumar, his IAS wife, and several other officials of corruption. Ironically, while the IPS officer had called himself honest and victimized, the ASI’s note portrayed him as complicit and corrupt. Adding to the mystery, no one reportedly heard the gunshots in either case. Both officers were found dead in circumstances that investigators describe as “highly unusual.” Puran Kumar was a Dalit, while Sandeep Lather belonged to an upper caste — a detail that has added a social dimension to an already tangled narrative. The police are now grappling with two deaths, two “Final Notes,” and a series of cross-allegations that could shake Haryana’s bureaucratic establishment. Bihar Polls Spark New Momentum for Maurya The BJP’s decision to appoint UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya as co-in-charge for the Bihar Assembly elections has triggered fresh political buzz. Many see the development as Maurya’s “promotion” arguing if the NDA performs well in Bihar, he will gain direct political mileage back home in UP. Significantly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had recently praised Maurya at a public event in Lucknow addressing him as “Mere Mitra' in the presence of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Soon after, Maurya was entrusted with Bihar responsibilities—a signal that has not gone unnoticed. However, many interpret it as a step towards Maurya’s entry into national politics. According to them, if he delivers in Bihar, the party leadership may induct him into the central organisation or deploy him in one of the five states going to polls in 2026. Yet, insiders insist his key role in Bihar is to consolidate the Koeri (Kushwaha) vote bank, which explains his assignment in Patna. For now, BJP circles are abuzz with speculation that the “historic injustice” of 2017 in UP might be redressed. Back then, Maurya was the state party chief and the face of the campaign that brought the non-Yadav OBC vote decisively to the BJP. The party now seeks to replicate that strategy in Bihar. The real question, however, remains: who stands to gain after victory—Koeri leader Samrat Choudhary in Bihar, or Keshav Prasad Maurya in Uttar Pradesh?

Fly on the Wall Harish Gupta  Modi Bends Protocol to Rebuild Bridge with Trump Prime Minister Narendra Modi is moving swiftly to repair strained ties with Washington, setting aside diplomatic niceties in his bid to reconnect with US President Donald Trump. The sudden arrival of US Ambassador-designate Sergio Gor in New Delhi — before presenting his credentials to President Droupadi Murmu — has raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles. Gor’s premature visit, reportedly aimed at firming up a possible Modi–Trump meeting in Kuala Lumpur later this month, breaks long-standing protocol. Ordinarily, a new envoy travels only after New Delhi formally clears Washington’s “agreement” and credentials are accepted by the President. Gor’s early touchdown signals an urgency on both sides to thaw relations that have soured over Trump’s tariff hike on Indian exports and punitive duties on Russian crude purchases. Gor’s early touchdown breaks that protocol. Gor, perhaps, came as a special envoy and not as Ambassador-designate. Gor, a 38-year-old close Trump aide and a key figure in the MAGA campaign, met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri before calling on Modi. The outreach follows Modi’s October 9 call congratulating Trump on the “success of the historic Gaza peace plan,” their second conversation in less than a month. With trade tensions still unresolved, both sides appear eager to reset the equation before it hardens into hostility considering the unpredictable Trump. In Washington and Delhi alike, protocol suddenly seems secondary — diplomacy, it appears, is now running on political instinct.  Cost of Proxy Rule Haryana’s corridors of power have a new reality: Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini may hold the title, but the reins remain firmly with powerful Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. From major appointments to sensitive files, nothing reportedly moves without Khattar’s nod — reducing Saini to a figurehead in his own government. That vacuum of authority turned glaring after the shocking suicide of IGP Y. Puran Kumar on October 7 night. The officer left behind an eight-page note alleging harassment by senior police officials, including DGP Shatrujeet Kapur. Yet, there was silence at the top. Sources say Saini waited for Khattar to decide the course of action — a hesitation that only deepened public anger. The tragedy soon snowballed. Kumar, a Scheduled Caste officer married to IAS officer Amneet Kaur, had powerful social and political backing. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) sought a report on “caste bias,” and Kaur publicly demanded the arrest of the DGP and Rohtak SP Narendra Bijarniya. As the issue gathered heat in the middle of an election season in Bihar, bureaucrats, ministers, and politicians across party lines called on the bereaved family. A 31-member “Shaheed Y. Puran Singh Nyaya Sangharsh Morcha” emerged to demand justice. It was only when the crisis threatened to spiral that action followed: the DGP, HARYANA & OTHERS WERE SHUNTED OUT, and the SC/ST Act was invoked with stringent sections slapped. Five days after the suicide, Saini finally spoke — promising justice “irrespective of position.” NOW THE OFFICER INVESTIGATING PURAN KUMAR FOR CORRUPTION, HAS COMMITTED SUICIDE COMPLICATING THE ISSUE.  However, in Haryana’s power structure, proxy rule had revealed its price — paralysis, delay, and silence. Rahul’s Hydrogen Bomb Goes for a Toss? It’s been nearly a month since Rahul Gandhi promised to drop his political “hydrogen bomb” — a revelation so explosive, he said, it would “end the game.” But so far, the Congress leader’s doomsday device has remained in the hangar, quietly ticking or perhaps quietly forgotten. Rahul’s earlier “atomic bomb” — a 22-page PowerPoint on alleged voter fraud in Karnataka’s Mahadevapura seat — had all the drama but little detonation. He claimed over a lakh votes were stolen, listed five ways it was done, and then… nothing. No protests, no court cases, no follow-up. The Congress, despite ruling Karnataka, managed to misplace both outrage and evidence. Now, the suspense shifts to his promised hydrogen version — supposedly far more devastating. The buzz is that Rahul’s next “exposé” could zero in on Varanasi, where Congress’s Ajay Rai insists he was winning until “vote theft” flipped the script for Prime Minister Modi. Others suggest Rahul is saving his payload for the Bihar polls, where he and Tejashwi Yadav have been crying foul over the voter list revision. But after the Supreme Court recently failed pleas alleging “vote chori” for lack of proof, the stage looks less like a launchpad and more like a crash site. Even Congress insiders are wary — they’ve seen too many fireworks fizzle into fog. This is the Congress’s chronic curse: loud claims, limp action. The party announces battles in the press but rarely fights them on the ground. Will Rahul’s hydrogen bomb finally go off — or will it join the long list of Congress’s dud detonations? For now, India watches, popcorn in hand, waiting to see if this bomb goes boom — or just puff. some changes  Tailpiece: Rahul Gandhi was missing in action once more. The Congress leader left India on September 27 for a tour of Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Chile — with no announced return date. The party said the visit is aimed at strengthening diplomatic and political ties. While the tour itself is legitimate, the optics are strikingly poor. Congress is in a bruising battle with the NDA in Bihar while Haryana is in turmoil following the suicide of a Dalit IGP. Yet Gandhi was focusing on global outreach for over a fortnight. His belated visit to Chandigarh failed to make any impact. his connect with domestic issues does not generate confidence and raises questions about the party’s ability to catch the bull by the horn.

Fly on the Wall When Malhotra Said ‘No’—and Slipped Into Oblivion Veteran BJP leader Vijay Kumar Malhotra, who passed away at 93, was among the last of the party’s founding stalwarts. A man with a mind of his own, he often refused to play by the script—and paid the political price. When Narendra Modi stormed to power in 2014, the BJP brass drew up a list of senior leaders to be accommodated as Governors. Modi was appreciative of Malhotra. The names included Kesri Nath Tripathi, Kailash Joshi, Balaram Das Tandon, Ram Naik—and V.K. Malhotra. Naik was tipped for Uttar Pradesh while Malhotra was offered Kerala. It seemed like a respectable elevation after Sheila Dikshit’s resignation as Kerala Governor at a press briefing at Kerala House in Delhi. But Malhotra quietly declined. His reason? He wanted to remain within striking distance of the capital—Uttar Pradesh, Punjab or Rajasthan would do, but not faraway Kerala. That single decision cost him dearly. Others on the list moved into Raj Bhavans. Malhotra, however, was left out in the cold. He was later accommodated as Chairman of the All India Council of Sports (AICS), an advisory body to the Sports Ministry—a respectable title, but a far cry from the power and visibility he once commanded. A contemporary of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani, Malhotra had been BJP’s face in Delhi for decades, a five-time MLA, MP, and party president in the capital. Yet his reluctance to move beyond his Delhi comfort zone became the turning point of his career. In the unforgiving world of politics, Malhotra’s story is a reminder: sometimes, saying “no” is the shortest road to oblivion. Bhagwat’s Subtle warning to Modi Govt. At the centenary celebration of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), chief Mohan Bhagwat delivered what sounded less like a routine address and more like a reality check for the ruling establishment. While he broadly endorsed the government’s policies and governance, his words carried a quiet rebuke — particularly on economic disparity and social disconnect. Bhagwat noted that while India dreams of becoming a “world leader,” the flaws of the global economic order are glaring. “Inequality is growing; economic power is concentrated in a few hands. The gap between rich and poor is widening,” he cautioned. His remarks came barely a day after the latest Hurun Rich List revealed that 1,687 Indians control wealth equal to half of India’s GDP — a statistic that underlines the very warning Bhagwat issued. Though couched in global terms, the message was unmistakably domestic. The RSS chief was telling the Modi government that ‘India’s rise’ cannot be on the shoulders of a privileged few, and that its economic model must reach the millions left behind. The veiled question: Will the government heed this counsel or continue to hand over national resources to its corporate favourites? Bhagwat also alluded to unrest in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal — tracing it to growing distance between rulers and the ruled. The implication was unmissable. Unless governance remains responsive and inclusive, even the most powerful regimes risk alienating their people. His comments can be read as a subtle nudge to the government to recalibrate its growth model and make it more inclusive. Minister’s Innovation Sermon Sparks Bureaucratic Ire Dr. Jitendra Singh, Minister of State in the PMO and Science and Technology, created ripples recently—not by announcing new initiatives, but by taking aim at India’s bureaucracy. Singh accused states of treating science departments as “dumping grounds” and said most IAS officers view such postings as punishment. “Innovation is not a priority,” he declared, squarely blaming civil servants for India’s poor innovation record. But what Singh intended as a wake-up call has been read within the bureaucracy as little more than finger-pointing. Senior officials privately argue that the minister’s words amount to lecturing, without acknowledging the elephant in the room—India’s woeful under-investment in R&D. At just 0.6–0.7% of GDP, a fraction of China (2.4%), the US (3.5%) and Israel (5.4%). “Innovation cannot be driven by sermons. Without funds, staff or mission-mode backing, how can states deliver?” one officer shot back. Officers also question why there are no special budgets, incentives, or institutional linkages to support science departments. With skeletal staff and outdated labs, they say, enthusiasm is naturally low. “Passing the buck won’t change ground realities,” another remarked. Policy experts caution that Singh’s outburst risks widening the trust gap between policymakers and implementers. “Innovation needs leadership from the top, not lectures at the bottom,” one analyst noted. For many in the system, Singh’s comments reflect a familiar pattern: when results falter, the instinct is to blame the bureaucracy rather than confront policy gaps. Tailpiece: Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma turned sentimental at the shraddhanjali for singer Zubeen Garg, posting a video of the late artist’s pet dogs taking a last look at him and musing, “Dogs are a man’s best friend — and if dogs love you, you are a great man.” Touching words indeed. But coming from Sarma, irony bites harder than the emotion. This is the same leader who once mocked Rahul Gandhi’s affection for his pet, Pidi, and even claimed he quit the Congress after being “insulted” with dog biscuits served on the same plate. Now the man who once sneered at canine loyalty has turned philosopher about it. In Sarma’s world, it seems greatness — like loyalty — depends on who’s wagging for which party.

Fly on the Wall The Rising Tide of Pre-Poll Cash Doles Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on record to say that the central government can't help the states which empty their treasuries after making unrealistic election promises. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman disapproved of political parties lining up promises of freebies ahead of elections in a TV program last month and said such recklessness in dealing with public finances is discouraged. However, the BJP is winning one election after the other riding on the back of Direct Cash Transfers into the accounts of women, youth and other targeted voters. It won Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi Assembly polls riding on these cash transfer doles. Come to Bihar as it heads into elections, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has opened the floodgates of welfare spending, targeting women and youth with schemes designed for votes. Nitish's doles will cost more than Rs 40000 crores a year, a whopping 66% of its resources. The other day, the Prime Minister transferred Rs 10000 each into the accounts of 75 lakh women totaling Rs 7500 crores on the spot under the self-help scheme. Eventually, more than 1.25 crore women could receive up to Rs 2 lakh each after assessment. It first began with the traditional farm loan waiver schemes in the 80s in “farm belt” states, or the promise of free rations under the public distribution system by late PM Indira Gandhi. In recent years, however, election eve in India has come to mean direct cash transfers, unemployment allowances, monthly stipends etc. Since 2014, nine states announced farm loan waivers totaling about Rs 2.53 lakh crore, but only about 50% of the 3.7 crore eligible farmers had actually benefited by March 2022. In Delhi, with about 71 lakh women voters among the 1.5 crore electorate, the BJP walked away by pledging Rs 2,500/month, plus other perks. These doles are expensive. A study showed among 21 state governments that announced waivers right before state polls, only 4 lost. Most reaped electoral gain. ED Probe Rekindles Rahul’s Citizenship? The debate over Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship has resurfaced, this time with the Enforcement Directorate (ED) entering the picture. The controversy is not new. Years ago, a petition was filed against Sonia Gandhi’s name being included in the voters’ list, alleging she was not an Indian citizen at the time. That petition was dismissed by the court. Rahul Gandhi’s case, however, remains pending before the Allahabad High Court. BJP worker Sanghnesh Mishra has alleged that Rahul holds British citizenship and has demanded that his Indian citizenship be revoked. The case took an unexpected turn when the ED summoned Mishra on September 9. This raised eyebrows and prompted speculation about whether the agency is now gathering evidence in the matter of Rahul’s citizenship. Officially, the ED has maintained that its inquiry relates to possible violations of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). According to Mishra, Rahul obtained British citizenship to facilitate business activities abroad. He has claimed to possess documents from London, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan that allegedly support his contention. The ED is said to be collecting information about Rahul’s overseas businesses, sources of income, and bank accounts. What exactly Mishra told the agency has not been disclosed. But the very fact that the ED has stepped in has given new momentum to a controversy that has lingered for years. It remains to be seen whether this inquiry will remain a financial probe or evolve into something much larger around Rahul Gandhi’s political identity. Tejashwi Charts "No Family" Course A silent but bitter feud is playing out within the RJD’s first family. After elder son Tej Pratap Yadav was sidelined from both party and household, now Lalu Prasad Yadav’s elder daughter-in-law Aishwarya Rai is visibly unhappy. At the heart of both episodes is one man—Sanjay Yadav, Tejaswi's chief strategist. Sanjay, a Haryana native, has become indispensable to Tejashwi. Insiders say he has designed a party structure where even Lalu’s authority is waning. In the RJD’s heydays, workers bowed before the “Panch Devta”—Lalu, Rabri, Tejashwi, Tej Pratap and Misa Bharti. Rohini Acharya is the new entrant in the game.  Today, the party functions under a new monotheism: Sanjay’s word, and by extension, Tejaswi's will. The strategy is clear. Only one member of the Yadav family will contest elections—Tejashwi himself. His Raghopur assembly seat remains his stronghold. When Tej Pratap resisted, he was denied even a meeting with his younger brother and shown the door. Aishwarya, who narrowly lost the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Saran, was being considered again by Lalu. But Sanjay vetoed it, arguing that too many family contestants would reinforce charges of dynasty. The hidden calculation: prevent any sibling or in-law from emerging as a potential challenger. There is also a contingency angle. Tejashwi faces corruption cases. If convicted, and if his siblings hold legislative office, one of them could automatically rise to leadership. By keeping all siblings out, Tejashwi ensures no rival centre of power develops. For the first time, Tejashwi is trying to chalk out his own course in the party—separate from his father’s patronage and family’s compulsions. He wants RJD to rally behind him alone, not around the wider clan. In doing so, he risks alienating siblings, but also secures undisputed command over the party’s future. tailpiece:  The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana was announced by Bihar CM Nitish Kumar. But when it came to launching, it was PM Modi who released Rs 7500 crores to 75 lakh women accounts. This is perhaps the first time that a welfare scheme in the name of a CM is released by a PM in his presence. The Bihar polls will be fought in the name of Mahila, Mandir and Modi - no mention of  Nitish Kumar by the BJP. Is a new script being written before the polls itself?   

Farooq Abdullah may go to RS, Ghulam Nabi hopes rest on BJP With Rajya Sabha elections for four seats in Jammu and Kashmir set to take place, the National Conference-led coalition is likely to field its senior-most leader Farooq Abdullah. The NC -led coalition is likely to win three seats easily and deliberations are on for picking up candidates for two other seats. In addition to Farooq Abdullah, one more candidate from the Kashmir Valley may be picked up while the third candidate could be from the Jammu region. Two former ministers from the Jammu region, Ajay Sadhotra and Sajad Ahmed Kichloo, as well as provincial president Jammu Rattan Lal Gupta, are hopeful of securing the party's mandate, per sources. The Congress is reported to have asked for one Rajya Sabha seat out of three seats as it is part of the alliance but not joined the Omar Abdullah Cabinet. It is yet to be seen if the Congress will be obliged by the National Conference. The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats as it has 28 MLAs and will need one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and one MLA each of the PDP, AAP and PC or manage cross-voting in the ruling alliance. It is to be seen if the BJP will oblige Ghulam Nabi Azad or pick up its own party's old loyalist. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, there will be an interesting contest for the fourth seat.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group BJP may spring a surprise for the 4th RS seat in J&K The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats that will go to polls on October 24 in Jammu & Kashmir. This is despite the fact that the ruling dispensation in J&K and anti-BJP forces have a clear edge to win all the four seats. The alliance is confident of winning three seats on its own and capturing the 4th seat if all non-BJP parties come together. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, the alliance has the edge. The J&K Assembly has 88 sitting members as two seats (Bigam and Nagrota) are vacant. Therefore, a candidate needs 45 seats to win an election. The Omar Abdullah led alliance enjoys the support of 53 legislators. This includes NC (41), Congress (6), CPM (1) and five Independents. The BJP has 28 MLAs while the PDP has three, People’s Conference and Aam Aadmi Party one each and two Independents who are unattached. But the election will take an interesting turn when the poll for the two seats will take place together and each candidate will need a minimum of 29 votes. The BJP, with its 28 MLAs, will need at least one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and any of the MLAs of the PDP, AAP or ensure cross-voting in the ruling alliance. The NC-Congress combine will be left with 24 surplus votes for the second seat and would need five votes extra to secure a victory over BJP's 28 votes and bank on the PDP (3), AAP (1), PC (1), and two unattached Independents. The BJP will obviously make all the efforts to win the fourth seat in J&K to send a right signal. -

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Maharashtra Ports Major Narcotics Hub After Gujarat

With 21% of drugs seized nationwide, Mumbai’s JNPA and Raigarh emerge as key smuggling hot spots

Maharashtra’s ports have become the second-largest gateway for narcotic smuggling into India, trailing only Gujarat. According to data made available, drug seizures worth over Rs 2,367 crore were recorded at Jawaharlal Nehru Port Authority (JNPA), Mumbai and Raigarh Container Freight Station between 2020 and 2024, accounting for 20.9% of the national total.

Maharashtra’s rising role is evident from repeated interceptions at JNPA—191 kg of heroin in 2020 and 294 kg in 2021 while jumping in 2022 with heroin, methamphetamine and cocaine. A smaller 29 kg heroin seizure at Raigarh that year reinforced the state’s vulnerability.

Gujarat ports, led by Mundra and Gandhidham, accounted for nearly 65% of narcotics seized, valued at more than Rs 7,300 crore. A single 2,988 kg heroin haul at Mundra in 2021 underlined the state’s emergence as the main entry point for global drug cartels.

Beyond these, Tamil Nadu’s Tuticorin port recorded a cocaine seizure worth Rs 1515 crore in 2021, making it the third major hot spot. In contrast, West Bengal’s Kolkata port reported drugs worth only Rs 78 crore, just 0.7% of the total.

Overall, Gujarat and Maharashtra together accounted for more than 85% of port-based drug seizures. Tamil Nadu followed with 13.4%, while West Bengal remained negligible.

Official data noted that no seizures were recorded at Visakhapatnam, Cochin, Chennai, Mangalore, Paradip, Kandla, or Port Blair in the last five years. However, this does not imply these ports are free from trafficking; it may reflect limited detection or trafficker’s reliance on high-volume western gateways.

It is said that Concentration of seizures in Gujarat and Maharashtra reflects cargo volumes and proximity to global routes. With most cases still under trial, the real challenge remains dismantling the networks behind these consignments.

Drug Seizures at Indian Ports (2020–2024)
State	2020-2024 - Quantity (KG)		Total Value #
Gujarat	3407	94.19 Lakh*	7,350
Maharashtra	1214		2,367
Tamil Nadu	303		1,515
West Bengal	39	1000**	78
Total	4963		11,310
* Tablets, **Injections, #Cr. INR