Trump’s Tariffs Bite Back – Americans Pay the Price
Donald Trump promised to “make America affordable again.” Instead, food, energy, and household costs are climbing faster than in years. Food prices are projected to rise 3.4% in 2025, above the 20-year average, while electricity bills have soared 34% since 2020. Economists blame Trump’s sweeping tariffs and his “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (OBBBA), which also repealed clean energy tax credits, for fueling inflation.
Scrapping the “de minimis” rule—once allowing $800 duty-free imports—has disrupted supply chains and forced carriers like India Post to stop U.S. deliveries, pushing costs higher. Senator Patty Murray says the average American household will lose $2,400 this year due to Trump’s tariffs. Groceries show the steepest pain. Tariffs on goods from Mexico, Canada, China and Asian exporters are set to raise prices by up to 4% for fresh items and 37% for staples like coffee and chocolate.
Energy costs are surging too. Tariffs on steel and aluminum have inflated infrastructure expenses for power generation, with forecasts warning of $170 billion in added household bills by 2034. Critics say Trump’s trade gambit has boomeranged—making life costlier, squeezing low-income families hardest, and leaving Wall Street worried about how much worse it could get.
Gadkari New Target as Power Dynamics Shift
All is not well in the right wingers considered close to the BJP as the social media firestorm reveals deep fissures. With recent moves signaling bonhomie between the RSS and the BJP , it was presumed that peace would prevail. But sudden vilification of Union Minister Nitin Gadkari by right-wing social media handles has surprised many. Once celebrated as the BJP’s most efficient minister, credited with reshaping India’s highways and modernising infrastructure, Gadkari now finds himself under relentless attack. Troll campaigns accuse him of driving the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) into heavy debt, hiking toll taxes excessively, and pushing ethanol blending in fuel—allegedly harming vehicle mileage.
Memes, sarcastic reels, and mocking hashtags trend almost daily, with both BJP critics and hardcore right-wing supporters joining the fray. Observers see more than just policy backlash. Gadkari’s occasional candid remarks—seen as questioning certain government priorities—have reportedly irked the power centre. Whispers about his potential exit from key roles have gained traction, triggering a pre-emptive campaign to cut him down to size. The question remains—are these social media attacks warning signals to Gadkari or a sign of deeper fissures within the Parivar.
Surprisingly, the two Opposition parties- the Congress and the TMC - have accused Gadkari’s sons of profiteering from the government’s policy of ethanol-blended petrol. Adding fuel to the fire are claims that his son’s company, Signet Ecotech, has seen its valuation skyrocket—from ₹5,990 crore in 2021 to ₹9,591 crore in 2024—implying possible conflict of interest. “The father sits in the government making policies, while the sons make money,” they alleged. Is something cooking??
When C.P. Radhakrishnan walks into the Vice President’s office, he will carry with him a reputation built over four decades—of being a sportsperson in spirit, but never a player in politics. Prime Minister Narendra Modi summed it up neatly at the NDA parliamentary meet the other day: Radhakrishnan “loves sports but doesn’t play games in politics.”
The comment was more than a compliment. It was also a quiet assurance that the man now presiding over the Rajya Sabha is cut from a different cloth than his predecessor Jagdeep Dhankhar, who quit amid reports of strained ties with the ruling party and cozying up to Opposition leaders to escape impeachment heat. If Dhankhar was accused of dribbling between camps, Radhakrishnan is being projected as a straight player—no tricks, no foul play.
Radhakrishnan, a former Tamil Nadu BJP chief and lifelong RSS worker, has earned his stripes with a simple lifestyle, clean record, and loyalty to the organisation. From his Jana Sangh days to his gubernatorial stint in Maharashtra, he has kept away from factional feuds and intrigue—rare traits in Delhi’s power corridors.
As Vice President, he will need those qualities to steer a deeply divided Upper House. Allies say he is more umpire than player—firm, fair, and unlikely to bend rules. In an era of sharp political gamesmanship, Radhakrishnan’s greatest strength may be that he refuses to play.
But critics see a creeping legitimisation of GM food crops. The Coalition for a GM-Free India has urged Punjab to revoke its NOC, pointing to the State’s 2018 ban on glyphosate sales due to health and environmental hazards. India currently allows only Bt cotton for commercial cultivation, though GM mustard was cleared for environmental release in 2022 amid legal challenges. Several other crops—including rice, maize, sorghum, wheat, and groundnut—are undergoing field trials. Critics argue such “confined” studies gradually normalise GM technology, effectively serving as a backdoor to commercial entry of US companies to gladden the US administration.
How EC Climbs Down, Step by Step
In a remarkable sequence of quiet retreats, the Election Commission (EC) has steadily softened its once rigid stance on the Special Intensive Roll revision process for 2025. The first shift came soon after the Commission’s tough June 24 directions. By August 1, when the draft rolls were published, a large chunk of the electorate found itself included—even without furnishing the mandated documents. That ensured that the disenfranchisement feared earlier did not materialize, though it also marked a notable climb down by the poll body.
The second concession was prompted by the Supreme Court’s August 14 order. The Court directed the EC to publish booth-wise details of voters who figured in the pre-SIR 2025 rolls but were missing in the August 1 draft. Importantly, the reasons for their exclusion had to be put on the Commission’s website, searchable by EPIC number. Transparency, which the EC had resisted citing logistical challenges, thus became mandatory.
The third retreat related to Aadhaar. The Commission had consistently maintained that Aadhaar was not among the 11 stipulated identity proofs. Yet, after repeated nudges from the apex court—especially regarding 65 lakh voters on the deletion list—the EC conceded it would consider Aadhaar as supporting evidence for inclusion of claims. Finally, another significant concession surfaced on September 1. The EC agreed to accept claims, objections, and corrections beyond its own deadline of September 1, continuing the process until the last date of nominations. This effectively extended the window for redressal to aggrieved voters. Taken together, these four steps signal a striking retreat from the EC’s earlier “high horse.” The once inflexible poll panel has been compelled to bend—quietly, but unmistakably—in favor of inclusion and transparency.
Then came the finale on September 8 when the SC directed the EC to include Aadhaar card as the “12th document” that can be produced as proof of identity for the purpose of inclusion in the revised voter list. However, EC officials will be entitled to verify the authenticity and genuineness of Aadhaar cards produced by the voters.
