by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

RSS Returns to Vigyan Bhawan After 7 Years

After a seven-year pause, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is set to relaunch its marquee public lecture series at Delhi’s Vigyan Bhawan later this year—marking a renewed outreach drive in its centenary year. Tentatively scheduled for late August or early September, the three-day event will be led by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. It signals the Sangh’s intent to re-engage with a wider cross-section of society—beyond its shakhas and ideological circles—at a time of shifting political winds.

The last such series, held in September 2018, was a watershed moment. It was the first time in over four decades that an RSS Sarsanghchalak addressed a mainstream public gathering of such scale. Over 1,500 people attended daily, including industrialists, film personalities, diplomats, academics, judges, and retired bureaucrats. Bhagwat spoke solo on the first two days; on the third, he fielded pre-submitted, anonymous questions—about 220 in all—carefully sorted by theme and selectively answered. It was an unusual moment of openness for the otherwise inward-looking organization.

Before that, the last comparable event was in 1974, when then-chief M.D. Deoras addressed Pune’s Vasant Vyakhyanmala lecture series, famously declaring untouchability a “sin”—a landmark moment in the Sangh’s evolution on social issues. With this year’s lecture series, the RSS is expected to sharpen its messaging, project ideological clarity, and expand its cultural and intellectual imprint—right from the heart of Lutyens’ Delhi. In its centenary moment, the Sangh appears poised not just to reflect, but to reposition itself for the battles—political, ideological, and societal—that lie ahead.

Kejriwal Eyes Gujarat to dislodge Congress

After months of silence, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal has re-emerged on the national stage with a sharp focus on Gujarat. Buoyed by Gopal Italia’s bypoll victory in Visavadar, Kejriwal is looking to make the state his second political home — aiming to push AAP as the BJP’s principal challenger. Kejriwal’s gambit is built on the steady erosion of the Congress. The grand old party has been in free fall since 2017 — its tally dropping from 77 to 17 seats in 2022. Five Congress MLAs have since defected to the BJP. Even its symbolic face in Gujarat, Shaktisinh Gohil, resigned as state chief taking moral responsibility for the latest loss.

AAP, which entered Gujarat politics through local body wins in Surat in 2021, sees a growing vacuum. “Visavadar is the semi-final; 2027 will be ours,” declared AAP’s Gujarat president Isudan Gadhvi. Rahul Gandhi’s revival drive — Sangathan Srijan Abhiyan — has faltered, with nearly 40% of local-level recommendations being overruled by the high command, deepening factionalism.

But AAP’s own journey isn’t without baggage. Italia, a prominent face of the movement alongside Hardik Patel, faces legal cases. Skeptics recall how Patel too had once joined Congress, only to shift to the BJP within two years. Despite past third fronts failing in Gujarat, Kejriwal is betting big — hoping his governance plank and outsider image can break the BJP-Congress binary. As he plants deeper political roots in the state, Gujarat may well become AAP’s next big laboratory after Delhi and Punjab.

Nitish's bluster: Bihar FDI Flow in 5 years?Just $216 million

The Nitish Kumar government has been beating the drum about its governance and it is collapsing one by one; be it law and order, schemes and even education. Look at the industrial development and growth under his regime in Bihar now! Nitish Kumar even traveled abroad to attract Foreign Direct Investment in the state. Even other NDA leaders are also beating behind the bush about the industrial growth in the state. But one will stop breathing for a moment if he or she learns how much FDI and other foreign exchange remittances Bihar attracted during 2023-24. Merely 1.3% ! According to India’s Balance of Payments data of the RBI, the gross inward remittances to India stood at US Dollar (USD) 118.7 billion. The Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) survey on remittances for the year 2023-24 shows that the share of Bihar in India's inward remittances was 1.3 per cent.

Total FDI inflow includes equity inflow, equity capital of unincorporated bodies, reinvested earnings, and other capital. The cumulative FDI equity inflow over the period October 2019 to December, 2024, into Bihar is USD 215.76 million. One can assume how much investment came to Bihar and how much industrial growth could have taken place. Interestingly, this data was shared by the government officially while responding to a parliamentary question recently. It is said that foreign investments contribute to the State-level development by improving the competitiveness of the recipient sectors. FDI inflow results in enhanced economic activity through the transfer of capital, technical know-how and skills.

BJP in a Bind Over 'Socialist' and 'Secular' Labels

RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale’s recent call to review the Emergency-era inclusion of the words ‘socialist’ and ‘secular’ in the Preamble of the Constitution has found ready backing from several BJP leaders — but also spotlighted an awkward contradiction. While many in the BJP have echoed Hosabale’s ideological pitch, the party’s own constitution mandates allegiance to the very principles it now seeks to revisit. Article II of the BJP constitution states that the party shall bear “true faith and allegiance to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy.” It’s a clause that top leaders seem to have overlooked in their rush to back the RSS line.

In order to reconcile this, the BJP has long pushed its own definitions — including a concept of ‘Positive Secularism’ as stated in Article IV of its constitution, defined as Sarva Dharma Samabhava, or equal respect for all religions. But this semantic juggling hasn't resolved the core ideological tension. But Hosabale’s remarks go beyond just the two words. He also flagged other provisions of the 42nd Amendment, like the transfer of five subjects — including education and forests — from the State List to the Concurrent List. Several states may welcome any move to reverse that centralisation. Still, any such review faces serious hurdles- political & legal.

The Supreme Court has already upheld the 42nd Amendment, and key NDA allies like the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) have publicly opposed tampering with the Preamble. Unless Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Home Minister Amit Shah break their silence, the debate is likely to remain within Sangh circles — and among those close to Nagpur. For now, the BJP must reckon with one irony: before altering the nation’s charter, it may need to revisit its own.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Nagpur’s Nudge, Delhi’s Dilemma

In a move loaded with ideological significance but limited immediate political feasibility, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale has called for a review of the words “secular” and “socialist” in the Preamble of the Constitution — terms inserted through the controversial 42nd Amendment during the Emergency in 1976. Speaking as the country marked 50 years since the imposition of the Emergency, Hosabale framed the additions as “non-original” insertions that altered the spirit of the Constitution envisaged by Dr B.R. Ambedkar. “The Preamble is meant to be eternal. Should socialism be eternal for India?” he asked, nudging the political class — particularly the BJP — toward a deeper ideological reckoning.

But translating that nudge into action is easier said than done. The BJP, despite leading the ruling NDA coalition, lacks the two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament required to amend the Constitution. Even with its allies, the numbers don’t add up — neither in the Lok Sabha nor in the Rajya Sabha. Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, several BJP leaders, including Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Jitendra Singh, quickly endorsed the RSS’s position. Yet, for all of Nagpur’s clarity, Delhi’s arithmetic remains the stumbling block. The party’s more moderate coalition partners in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh — firmly rooted in “secular and socialist” traditions — are already uneasy with such ideological adventurism. As the RSS raises fundamental questions about constitutional permanence, the Modi government faces a classic dilemma: how far to follow the ideological compass without capsizing the coalition boat. The signal from Nagpur is unmistakable — but Delhi, for now, is counting votes, not rewriting texts.

Nitish: ‘Face’ of NDA, Not the Future?

As Bihar heads for assembly polls later this year, the JD(U) finds itself grappling with growing uncertainty over its leader Nitish Kumar’s future—even as the BJP-led NDA insists he remains the alliance’s face for now. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during three visits to Bihar, praised Nitish but never once declared he would be Chief Minister after the elections. Union Home Minister Amit Shah muddied the waters further in an interview, saying: “Only time will decide who will be CM… but we are fighting under Nitish Kumar.” That pause before the comma has JD(U) worried.

The BJP’s dance of ambiguity has only intensified speculation. Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary called Nitish the alliance’s leader, but Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini publicly projected Choudhary as the NDA's rising star in Bihar. This prompted JD(U) to retaliate with a large banner at its Patna headquarters: ‘25 se 30, phir se Nitish’ (Nitish again, from 2025 to 2030). JD(U) spokespersons have been forced into damage control. “He is the CM face. He will lead the government again,” said Rajiv Ranjan Prasad. But BJP’s wariness isn’t without reason. Nitish Kumar has crossed ideological bridges multiple times—snapping ties with the BJP in 2013, returning in 2017, switching to the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan in 2022, and finally rejoining the NDA in 2024 to become CM for the ninth time. So, will he be CM again? Officially, yes. Politically, it’s anyone’s guess. The NDA’s stance seems to be: win with Nitish, decide later.

BJP’s Desperate Bid to Win Dalit Votes

Reeling from its setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP is making a visible, and some say desperate, push to woo Dalit voters. The party’s declining tally was partly attributed to the Opposition’s successful narrative that the Constitution—and by extension, Dalit rights—was under threat. The impact has been enough to force a symbolic reshuffle within the BJP's own power corridors. Ambedkar’s portraits now dominate the walls of BJP offices, often replacing those of Sangh icons like Deendayal Upadhyaya and Syama Prasad Mookerjee. The repositioning is deliberate—to ensure Ambedkar’s image is in every photo frame when ministers and leaders are captured on camera.

The urgency was compounded by the recent controversy in Parliament, when Home Minister Amit Shah’s sarcastic remark on repeated invocations of Ambedkar drew massive backlash. The Opposition capitalised, launching protests with slogans like “Babasaheb Ka Apmaan Nahin Sahega Hindustan”, filing privilege motions, and reviving the “Constitution under threat” campaign. A physical altercation outside Parliament added fuel to the fire. This isn’t the first time BJP has fumbled on Dalit issues. From the 2016 Rohith Vemula suicide and the Una flogging incident, to Bhima Koregaon violence and the SC/ST Act rollback of 2018—the party has often had to scramble for damage control.

Despite appointing Dalit leaders like Ram Nath Kovind as President and increasing Dalit representation in Parliament, the BJP continues to face a trust deficit. With Dalits forming nearly 17% of India’s population, the political cost of alienation is high. Now, with elections in other states on the horizon, the BJP seems determined to pull Dalits deeper into its Hindutva fold. But whether these optics translate into trust—and votes—remains to be seen.

Modi’s Favourite Tharoor Alarms Congress

Shashi Tharoor was in Russia, but the tremors were being felt in Delhi — mostly inside the Congress party’s already fragile emotional landscape. Officially, Tharoor was on a private visit to promote a documentary based on his bestselling book Inglorious Empire. But unofficially? He met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, briefing Moscow’s top leadership on Operation Sindoor, terrorism, and even chatted up BRICS diplomacy. All without holding any government post. Or BJP membership. Or a green signal from his own party.

While Congress leaders grumble about indiscipline, the BJP gets free foreign-policy branding — courtesy of Tharoor’s global glow. He’s enjoying the perks of diplomacy, the freedom of the backbench, and the applause of both Moscow and Twitter. Is he India’s most useful unofficial envoy? Or just the Congress’s most inconvenient MP? Either way, Tharoor’s having fun. Congress is stuck on damage control. And Modi? He’s still smiling.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Justice Varma Impeachment Gamble Faces Legal hurdle

The government’s plan to bring an impeachment motion in the Monsoon session against Allahabad High Court judge Justice Yashwant Varma over alleged corruption may hit a legal roadblock. Legal luminaries advising the government feel that adherence to due process mandated by the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 cannot be pushed under the carpet. Under the Act, once an impeachment motion is admitted in either House of Parliament, the Speaker or the Chairman must constitute a three-member committee comprising of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) or a Supreme Court judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist to probe the allegations. However, the government argues that an in-house committee, set up by then CJI Khanna, has already submitted its findings. Therefore, there is no need to set up a new committee. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was of the same opinion. But he was guarded, “We will take a call on how to integrate it with the current process.”

Legal experts say that in Justice Soumitra Sen and V Ramaswamy cases, the government had formed a fresh committee under the 1968 Act, despite in-house inquiries set up by the then CJIs. The key constitutional question is: Can the Speaker or Chairman ignore the clear mandate of the Judges (Inquiry) Act and proceed without forming the statutory committee? It would be interesting to mention that the Inquiry Committee constituted to investigate the allegations against Justice Soumitra Sen took approximately 18 months to complete its probe. In V Ramaswamy case also, the inquiry committee took time to submit its report. It is due to this very reason that several leading lawyers have urged Justice Varma to resign to avoid the ignominy of impeachment. But Varma is not ready to quit and the government is keen to send his packing as soon as possible.

A New Experiment in CBI

In a quiet but significant shift, the Modi government has turned the CBI into a testing ground for lateral talent—bringing in officers from non-police services to lead investigations traditionally handled by the IPS. The latest to join is Kamal Singh Chaudhary, a 2012-batch Indian Defence Accounts Service (IDAS) officer, appointed as Superintendent of Police (SP). He is the first from his service to enter the CBI. His background in defence audits and financial oversight is seen as a key asset in the agency’s fight against white-collar crime. Along with him, five Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officers from the 2014 and 2016 batches have been inducted as SPs—part of a growing trend of non-IPS entries into the country’s premier probe agency. A March order from the Department of Personnel & Training (DoPT), which controls CBI appointments, approved six new SPs—four from outside the IPS, including from IRS, IDAS, and Indian Telecom Service (ITS). 

While the CBI is legally a “police station,” the government has notified these officers with full police powers under the CrPC and the new Bhartiya Nyaya Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), allowing them to arrest, investigate, and carry arms. The move has stirred debate. While some in the IPS cadre see it as dilution, others say the CBI needs domain experts to tackle the increasingly complex landscape of financial frauds. The practice has picked up since 2014, beginning with IRS officer Sanjiv Gautam’s appointment as DIG, followed by several similar deputations. Officials say it’s a conscious policy shift: as the nature of crime evolves, so must the composition of India’s top investigating agency.

Cake, Clicks & Coaches: Nitish’s Metro Mirage

This August 15, Patna will unveil its newest ornament — a 6.1-km, five-station metro line, flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Touted as Bihar’s leap into modernity, it’s more a leap into electoral theater. With polls looming, metros are popping up like poll pamphlets — Muzaffarpur, Gaya, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga — one line at a time, logic be damned. At Rs 13,000 crore, Patna’s mini-metro raises the big question: is this public transport or a taxpayer-funded photo-op?

History warns us. A 2022 parliamentary report showed how Indian metros are graveyards of inflated promises. Bengaluru needed 1.8 million daily riders to break even, got 96,000. Hyderabad needed 1.9 million, got 65,000. Even bigger networks flopped. Poor planning, zero last-mile links, and fantasy projections sank them. Yet Bihar charges ahead. Why? Because metros look good. “They show progress,” says a BJP leader. Experts disagree — “Vanity projects,” sniffs urban planner Sharad Saxena. “They don’t pay, can’t charge more, and live off bailouts.”

To cover losses, some metros now moonlight — coaches rented for birthdays and wedding shoots. Confetti travels better than commuters, it seems. Patna’s metro may gleam on Day One. But five stations with no real connectivity? It’s a ribbon-cutting reel in search of passengers. Even the mighty Delhi Metro posted a net loss since 2002, despite fancy numbers (Rs 6,645 crore revenue 2022-23) and Japanese loans. If the capital can’t make it work, what chance does Patna have? But in an election year, optics > outcomes. Nitish’s metro may not move people, but it sure moves the camera.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan: Still Waiting for the Big Move

Union Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development Shivraj Singh Chouhan is patiently waiting in Delhi—for a “big role” that was reportedly promised to him. Despite leading the BJP to a strong win in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Chouhan was sidelined soon after. His quiet exit from state politics came when he was arguably at the peak of his career, having served as the longest-serving chief minister of the state. Now in the national spotlight, speculation is rife about his next move. Sources say the RSS is keen to see Chouhan replace J.P. Nadda as the BJP's national president. However, the current leadership seems to have other preferences, reportedly favouring leaders like Manohar Lal Khattar for the top organisational post.

Meanwhile, Chouhan has embraced his ministerial role with visible enthusiasm. From Odisha to Gujarat, he has been crisscrossing the country, launching government programmes and reinforcing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development agenda. At a recent event in Puri, he evoked Lal Bahadur Shastri’s iconic slogan—“Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan”—to highlight the government's twin focus on national security and agriculture. He also spoke at length about Modi’s vision of a “Viksit Bharat, Samriddh Bharat” and praised the contribution of farmers and soldiers in nation-building. Chouhan’s tone is consistently loyal, his praise for Modi unmistakable. Yet beneath the surface, his wait for a larger role continues. The question remains: will the BJP’s seasoned “kisan neta” be brought back to centre stage—or kept waiting in the wings?

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly On the Wall

Harish Gupta

Shah-Yogi Bonhomie Sparks Buzz in BJP

In a move that has set political circles abuzz, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union Home Minister Amit Shah displayed rare warmth at a state-level function in Lucknow — fuelling speculation of a tactical reset between the two BJP heavyweights. On June 9, Yogi flew to Delhi to personally invite Shah as chief guest for a high-profile event in Lucknow — a first in his eight-year tenure. Shah obliged, and on June 15 handed out appointment letters to 60,244 newly recruited UP Police constables. This was more than just a ceremonial presence. This sudden display of camaraderie comes against the backdrop of long-running speculation about tensions between the two leaders. For years, the BJP grapevine has been thick with talk of a cold war — stories of Delhi’s discomfort with Yogi’s growing stature, his reluctance to clear key appointments with the Centre, and his five-year delay in appointing a full-time DGP only deepened that perception. The stories of mutual mistrust and discomfort have been endless.

Many attribute this friction to the fact that both Shah and Yogi are seen as strong contenders in a post-Modi BJP. Their perceived rivalry, fuelled by ideological differences and contrasting political styles, has been a constant source of chatter. Until now, their appearances together were largely limited to Union Home Ministry-organised events — like the forensic institute foundation stone ceremony and the All-India DGPs’ meet. But this time, the initiative came from Lucknow, not Delhi. Whether this is a temporary optics exercise or a deeper realignment remains to be seen. But one thing is clear — the Shah-Yogi moment has reset the narrative and injected fresh intrigue into the BJP’s future power dynamics. It is also whispered that the development came after Yogi was nudged by the top leadership to fall in line.

From Jantar Mantar to Chandigarh Bungalows

Remember the good old days when Satyendar Jain along with his mentor Arvind Kejriwal,  stormed Delhi politics armed only with idealism—and the odd whistle stop rally? Fast-forward to today, and our once-on-a-mission maverick is quietly running Punjab’s health show…from his swanky government bungalow in Chandigarh. Yes, that’s right: the very same man who famously duelled with bureaucratic red tape in Delhi is now pulling strings in Punjab’s Health Department—no scalpel needed. His former “Officer on Special Duty,” Shaleen Mitra, has even decamped north to join him, suggesting this isn’t just a weekend hobby. But Jain isn’t alone in his Punjabi escapade. Delhi’s ex-Deputy CM, Manish Sisodia, long champion of free textbooks, has slipped into an advisory role in Punjab’s Education Department. And who could forget Reena Gupta—once sparring verbally with Kejriwal’s critics—is now bossing around the state’s Pollution Control Board.

It’s like a political exchange program in reverse: Delhi’s brain trust setting up shop amidst Punjab’s lassi-loving heartland. Jasmine Shah, erstwhile vice chair of Delhi’s Dialogue Commission, is now the “lead governance fellow” (fancy!) in Punjab’s IT wing. Meanwhile, Kamal Bansal has swapped pilgrimage panel meetings in Delhi for Tirth Yatra Samiti chairmanship in Punjab—holy detours, indeed! Insiders whisper there are at least ten government flats in Chandigarh now occupied by these Delhi imports, who’ve brought their own brand of “principled” bureaucracy. Critics chuckle that, once fighting the system, they’re now…the system. But hey, if you can’t beat ’em, send in your most devoted ex-crusaders to run the show—bungalow style.

BJP Flexes Muscles in Bihar Post-Op Sindoor

Unruffled by global tensions, India’s political spotlight is firmly on domestic turf — and the BJP is wasting no time asserting dominance within the NDA fold ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls due in October-November. Buoyed by its post-Operation Sindoor confidence, the BJP is flexing its muscles in seat-sharing talks, especially with the JD(U). Citing the JD(U)’s underwhelming performance in the 2020 Assembly elections — where it contested 115 seats and won only 43 — the BJP is likely to offer it just 90–95 seats this time. In contrast, the BJP contested 110 seats and secured 74 in 2020. While the BJP plans to field candidates in around 102–105 constituencies — slightly fewer than last time — it’s doing so from a position of strength. The party has assured Nitish Kumar that he will remain the chief ministerial face, but is making it clear that this guarantee doesn't automatically translate into a bigger seat share for the JD(U). Internal constituency-wise winnability surveys are guiding the BJP's strategy.

The LJP (Ram Vilas), which contested 134 seats in 2020 but didn’t win a single one, is back in the NDA and eyeing 30 seats. However, the BJP is expected to offer only 20–25. The LJP’s 2020 mission — to undercut Nitish Kumar — was achieved, and it’s now being recalibrated for coalition arithmetic. With the Vikasheel Insaan Party (VIP) no longer part of the NDA, the 18 seats it previously contested will be redistributed among other allies, including the Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM) led by Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha’s RLM, and potential new entrants. The BJP, it seems, is drawing the map — and setting the terms.

(The item below is subject to availability of space)

Forgotten Neighbourhood

Tailpiece: In a global diplomatic campaign, India dispatched seven multi-party delegations to 33 countries to expose Pakistan’s role in abetting terrorism. Curiously, none were sent to its immediate neighbours — Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan. This omission has left experts questioning the sincerity of the “Neighbourhood First” policy, long touted as a cornerstone of the NDA government’s foreign strategy. Insiders in South Block claim the reason is “more than obvious,” hinting at underlying regional tensions. While the world was briefed, India’s closest neighbours were left out — a telling silence from a government that once promised regional primacy.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Centre decides to extend tenure of 17 Lateral Entrants, issue pending before the Parliamentary Panel after ruckus

The Centre has decided to extend the tenure of 17 officers appointed through Lateral Recruitment in 2021-22 for a period of three years. On the expiry of their three year term on contract and deputation to various ministries and departments, the Union government decided to extend the service of seventeen officers. Of these 17 officers, three are working as Joint Secretary while 12 are in the rank and pay of Director and two are serving as Deputy Secretaries in various ministries and departments. These 17 officers will have to sign a new contract which will extend their service for a specified period on contract basis.

It may be mentioned that the issue of lateral entry to fill key posts in government departments had triggered a huge political row earlier this year over lack of reservation for these positions. Several Opposition leaders, including Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav, had criticised the policy for not having reservations for Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) candidates. Some of the NDA’s allies, such as the Janata Dal (United) and Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) also opposed the move.

Later, the Centre directed the UPSC to withdraw advertisements for recruiting lateral entry into bureaucracy. Earlier, the Centre had opened a fresh round of lateral recruitments, from the private sector and elsewhere, into senior posts in the bureaucracy and UPSC, in August 2024, was to recruit 45 Lateral Entrants. The issue was then referred to the Parliamentary panel to examine which the Centre had opened in 2018 to appoint persons for specific assignments. The matter is pending before the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice for examination in 2024-25. However, the government has now decided to extend the tenure of these 17 Lateral Entrants.