Fly on the wall
Harish Gupta
"CPR: Modi’s Quiet Loyalist or RSS’s Pick?"
For weeks, Delhi’s political grapevine has been buzzing with claims that BJP’s Vice-Presidential nominee, C.P. Radhakrishnan (CPR), is not close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Critics argue that after losing the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls from Coimbatore, CPR was pushed into political wilderness and that his nomination was an RSS-driven move. The logic: Modi, having burnt his fingers by elevating ‘outsiders’ like Jagdeep Dhankhar and Satyapal Malik, now prefers Sangh insiders to placate the RSS. His Independence Day speech, where he praised the RSS for over a minute, was seen as a clear signal of this shift.
But such commentary ignores CPR’s history. Back in 2002, when Modi faced intense criticism post-Gujarat riots, CPR was perhaps the only BJP state president outside Gujarat to organise a massive rally in Modi’s support at Coimbatore. Then Tamil Nadu BJP chief, he defied the party’s moderate faction and the Vajpayee government’s discomfort to back Modi publicly. Far from being a DMK sympathiser, CPR took on Tamil Nadu CM M.K. Stalin’s son Udayanidhi, warning that those attacking Hindu traditions “will perish by their own acts” – a statement made as Jharkhand Governor. His nomination also strategically placates the Gounder community, upset when K. Annamalai was replaced by Maravar leader Nainar Nagendran. With Gounders forming AIADMK’s core support base, BJP hopes CPR’s elevation will cement its foothold in Tamil Nadu.
As Coir Board chief (2016-2020) and as an active Governor who visited all 24 districts of Jharkhand in just four months, CPR was never out of action. Far from a political outsider, he might be Modi’s quiet loyalist – with RSS blessings in tow.
Women Power Set to Surge in Modi Cabinet
Big Reshuffle, Bigger Role for Women, and Political Balancing Ahead
The Modi government is preparing for a major expansion and reshuffle of the Union Council of Ministers, with a significant focus on boosting women’s representation. The move is expected soon after the RSS-BJP coordination meeting in Jodhpur on September 5 and the Vice-Presidential election on September 9.
At present, only seven women feature in the 72-member council—less than 10% representation. Within Parliament, BJP has 30 women MPs in the Lok Sabha and 19 in the Rajya Sabha, a tally that is also well below the forthcoming benchmark. The BJP has 240 Mps in the Lok Sabha and 100 in the Rajya Sabha. With the Women’s Reservation Act mandating one-third of all seats for women in the 2029 general elections, the government is keen to signal a shift now.
Party strategists indicate that new ministerial faces could be drawn from Bihar, West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Assam, where Assembly elections are approaching. Caste calculations will also weigh heavily, particularly in Bihar, where sections of the Rajput and Kushwaha communities feel under-represented. Alongside the cabinet rejig, the appointment of a new BJP president and gubernatorial changes are expected soon, signalling a larger political reset. For Modi, expanding “women power” in the cabinet is more than optics—it’s a calculated move to blend representation, caste balance, and election strategy well ahead of 2029.
Modi Tweaks policy but Babus not amused
Facing a severe shortage of IAS officers at the Centre, the Modi government hit upon a new plan and revised the empanelment policy itself to widen the pool of eligible officers. A new directive was issued under which IAS officers from the 2010 batch onwards were allowed to qualify for joint secretary (JS) posts even if they’ve served at least two years at the under-secretary level — a post often shunned due to limited perks and authority. This came as a shock as PM Modi's 2020 policy mandated that only those who had served as deputy secretaries or directors for two years at the Centre could be empanelled as JS. This move was aimed at encouraging early deputation. However, that too failed to solve the crunch — with just 442 IAS officers working at the Centre as of 2023 against a sanctioned strength of 1,469.
Despite the policy push, ground realities persist. “No one wants to leave a powerful District Magistrate post to become an under-secretary in Delhi,” said an IAS officer. Officers say the system unfairly penalises them. “We’re being punished for decisions we don’t control,” said one official. Data shows only 16 of 119 officers from the 2009 batch were empanelled, compared to nearly half of the 2005-08 batches. Some view the move as part of the Centre’s broader effort to assert more control over All India Services. A 2022 proposal to amend cadre rules and override states in deputation matters was shelved after protests. While the tweak aims to restore the Centre’s appeal among IAS officers, many remain unconvinced. Without structural changes and better incentives, the shortage — and the Centre-state tug-of-war — continues.
Agniveer Policy May See Major Shift
The government is likely to revise the Agnipath scheme as the first batch of Agniveers nears completion of its four-year tenure. Under current rules, only 25% of them are to be absorbed permanently in the armed forces, while the rest retire. Sources indicate the government may increase this percentage, allowing a larger number of Agniveers to continue in service. The rethink comes after recent security operations, where the need for a stronger and more experienced force has been felt.
The states and paramilitary forces have already offered priority to retiring Agniveers, but a policy change within the Army itself would be a big relief for thousands of youth. If cleared, the decision could silence criticism that the scheme leaves most recruits jobless after four years. Officials suggest an announcement may come before the first batch formally retires.
