Fly on the wall
Harish Gupta
Pawar’s Mystery Men: The Ghosts Who Offered to ‘Fix’ Maha Polls
In a revelation that has set Delhi’s political corridors abuzz, NCP supremo Sharad Pawar has claimed that two unknown men approached him ahead of the Maharashtra Assembly elections with an audacious promise — “guaranteeing” the Opposition 160 out of 288 seats. Their pitch? They could “manage” the Electronic Voting Machines. The claim instantly evoked déjà vu from the run-up to the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, when a similar duo reportedly approached a senior Congress minister with an EVM-tweaking offer. The Congress spurned the bait, and the tale — whispered in political backrooms — suggested the pair then knocked on the BJP’s door. Nothing was proven as there were no allegations then, and the episode faded into the shadows.
Then came January 2019, when London hosted a bizarre press conference by self-proclaimed Indian cyber expert Syed Shuja, who alleged that the 2014 elections were “rigged” and linked the murders of Gopinath Munde and journalist Gauri Lankesh to an EVM conspiracy. Former Law Minister Kapil Sibal’s surprise presence embarrassed the Congress, which quickly distanced itself, even as it intensified its campaign against EVMs. Pawar, notably, stayed silent.
Until now.
Pawar says he introduced the mysterious duo to Rahul Gandhi, but both leaders declined the “offer”, declaring, “This is not our way.” Intriguingly, Pawar claims he never kept their contact details — “I didn’t give importance to their claims.” Yet his disclosure dovetails neatly with Rahul’s recent “vote theft” charge and calls for an Election Commission probe. With Pawar confirming that the men met Rahul “at his instance”, the episode could now slip out of the political bazaar and into the realm of a criminal investigation. The only snag? The trail is as cold as the mystery men who walked in, made their pitch — and vanished.
Trump’s Tariffs on India: A Diplomatic Whodunit
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not the first Indian leader to face turbulence with Washington. Nehru’s early warmth with the U.S. Cooled due to his fad for non-aligned policy and changed after the 1962 war with China. Indira Gandhi saw the frostiest spell in 1971 when Richard Nixon cold-shouldered India, prompting her to sign a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union. Sanctions followed her 1974 nuclear test, a fate Atal Bihari Vajpayee also faced after Pokhran-II in 1998. Manmohan Singh reversed the chill, riding on George W. Bush’s policy shift later to make India a strategic partner.
Modi built on that legacy. During Trump 1.0 (2016–2020), the rapport appeared genuine. Trump called Modi “my best friend” and basked in the spectacle of “Howdy, Modi.” Which is why Trump 2.0’s sudden decision to single out India with 50% tariffs feels puzzling.
Two incidents are whispered about in diplomatic circles. First, Modi’s quiet withdrawal from a planned handshake with Trump during the 2024 U.S. campaign, choosing strict neutrality. Second, India’s public dismissal of Trump’s claim — repeated over two dozen times — that he brokered the Indo-Pak ceasefire. New Delhi insisted no outsider played a role.
Why the shift from “best friends” to tariff target? Was it calculated policy, personal pique, or a deeper strategic signal? The answer is elusive. Unlike past Indo-U.S. spats rooted in defence or trade, this rupture carries no obvious economic logic. For now, it remains an unsolved puzzle in the annals of diplomacy — the kind where every theory sounds plausible, but the real reason stays locked behind closed doors in Washington.
Modi’s Gamble: Guarded, Not Goaded
In
the theatre of global diplomacy, PM Modi is walking a fine line with
U.S. President Donald Trump — a man known for blunt force and
transactional politics. Despite Trump’s "unfair, unreasonable,
and unjustified" trade rhetoric, New Delhi has pointedly
refrained from retaliating with counter tariffs. This restraint isn't
a weakness as the PM and his ministers are talking tough. It’s
strategic calibration. Modi’s recent statement — “I am
ready to pay a heavy personal price” — is a loaded one. It
signals a willingness to withstand domestic criticism and short-term
pain to secure long-term geopolitical gains. With Trump, Modi is
quietly insulating India from future volatility. His outreach isn’t
just government-to-government. It’s grassroots. Modi is carefully
cultivating goodwill among Indian-Americans, tech CEOs, lawmakers,
and thought leaders — building a constituency within the U.S. that
transcends party lines and presidents.
Meanwhile,
the RBI underscores India’s rising stature — contributing 18% to
global growth compared to the U.S.’s 11%. Modi isn’t just
asserting India’s economic role — he’s backing it with
diplomatic weight. Invitations to President Putin, upcoming visits to
China and Japan, Brazilian counterpart Lula da Silva callng
Modi — all while keeping the U.S. loop intact — show a
leader not leaning on any one axis, but balancing many. This is
not appeasement; it is avoidance of entanglement. Modi’s restraint
with Trump, despite provocation, reveals a shrewd reading of power.
He is betting that in the new world order, mature nations win by
staying stable — not by swinging fists. And if that means he takes
political bruises at home, so be it. In a world where Trump roars,
Modi whispers — but every word is deliberate.
Amit Shah in Action, But Bihar Awaits Official Prabhari
The BJP’s long-tested poll playbook involves appointing a state Prabhari months before elections, ensuring the in-charge has time to stitch alliances, assess ground realities and iron out factional creases. Yet, in Bihar, the clock is ticking and no name has been announced for the crucial role—an unusual departure from tradition. Maharashtra's senior BJP leader Vinod Tawde is serving as Bihar in-charge as general secretary with MP Deepak Prakash as co-in-charge. But with Assembly elections looming in 2025, there is no Prabhari. The state unit’s new president, Dr. Dilip Kumar Jaiswal, is in place, and organisation secretary Bhikhubhai Dalsania is active, as is RSS Bihar-Jharkhand in-charge Nagendra. But the absence of a designated Prabhari has fuelled speculation.
Party insiders hint the delay is linked to larger organisational changes in the pipeline, possibly tied to the pending appointment of a new national president of the BJP. Meanwhile, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has been making frequent trips—even thrice a month—functioning as the party’s undeclared Bihar strategist. The suspense serves as a political sub-plot in itself. In Bihar’s high-stakes political theater, the identity of the eventual Prabhari could shape the script for 2025.
