by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Spy vs Spy: Delhi’s Surveillance Politics Explodes

In geopolitics, lessons travel fast. Ever since reports surfaced that Israeli intelligence agencies tracked and eliminated top Iranian leadership by mapping vehicle movements, a quiet paranoia has gripped power corridors in Delhi. Suddenly, CCTV cameras are no longer just about traffic violations or street crime—they are potential instruments of political intelligence. In the Capital, this unease has snowballed into a full-blown surveillance slugfest between Aam Aadmi Party and BJP.

What began as a flagship public safety project under Arvind Kejriwal—with lakhs of cameras blanketing the city—is now being systematically dismantled. The BJP, now calling the shots, has ordered a sweeping reset: scrap the old network, float fresh tenders, bring in new spy machines. The official trigger? Security concerns over Chinese-origin equipment, especially from Hikvision. In an era of heightened cyber anxieties, the argument has some weight. But scratch the surface, and a more political story emerges. The BJP’s unease is blunt: a surveillance grid built, controlled, and calibrated under AAP could double up as a political listening post. Why inherit a system you don’t trust?

The AAP's counter-charge is equally sharp—that the BJP wants its own digital eyes and ears, a tailor-made network to watch rivals, not just wrongdoers. The numbers tell their own story. Nearly 1.4 lakh cameras—many installed between 2020 and 2022—are being ripped out. This isn’t maintenance; it’s demolition with intent. The larger question, then, is not just about Chinese hardware or public safety. In Delhi, the CCTV is no longer just a camera on the wall. It’s a lens into power, paranoia, and the politics of who watches whom.

Priyanka Chaturvedi at the Crossroads

Is Priyanka Chaturvedi scripting a comeback via the Lok Sabha, or angling for another Rajya Sabha innings? With her Upper House term from Shiv Sena (UBT) over, the chatter in political corridors is getting louder—and juicier. The buzz has a clear geographical anchor: Mathura. It’s not just sentiment. Chaturvedi hails from here and her recent visit has set tongues wagging. The seat is currently held by Hema Malini, but by 2029, age could redraw the BJP’s calculus, opening a tempting window.

But the real intrigue lies in the party tag. Will she stay loyal, switch sides, or hedge her bets? Signals are mixed. One track suggests a Rajya Sabha re-entry with possible backing from the Samajwadi Party, which is eyeing gains in the upcoming Uttar Pradesh RS polls. With numbers on its side, the SP could bag multiple seats—but not without resistance from the BJP.

Yet, there’s a twist. Akhilesh Yadav is reportedly more keen to test her electoral heft in Mathura than park her in the Rajya Sabha. Back channel voices may prefer a safe RS berth, but the SP chief seems to favour a riskier, high-reward Lok Sabha gamble.

Meanwhile, equations with her current party remain less than warm. From flirting with a saffron switch to exploring the UP route, every option is on the table. One thing is clear: her next move could be less about loyalty—and more about survival and ambition.

Price Tag Politics: How Much for Power?

A 19-minute “sting” clip has detonated like a political landmine in West Bengal. Released by the Trinamool Congress, it alleges that Humayun Kabir of the Aam Janata Unnayan Party struck a staggering ₹1,000 crore deal with the BJP to split minority votes in Murshidabad and Malda ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls. Kabir first dismissed it as AI fakery, then conceded the clip was real—only “edited & incomplete.” The BJP has waved it off as theatrics. Truth, as always, sits somewhere behind the noise, waiting.

But the deeper tremor comes from an unlikely quarter. Birendra Singh who was in the first Modi Cabinet for five years, has cut through the fog with a blunt observation: a leader “worth” ₹20 crore is pushed into delirium when the BJP pays Rs 50 crore.

What does this moment reveal? Not just the presence of money power—that is old news—but its breathtaking scale and normalization. Elections are no longer merely contests of ideology or identity; they risk becoming high-stakes financial markets where loyalties are traded, constituencies are segmented, and outcomes are engineered with capital.

The alleged ₹1,000 crore figure, whether proven or not, is symbolic. It signals a shift—from retail corruption to wholesale political investment. In such a marketplace, voters are reduced to data points, and democracy to a negotiable instrument. The last word on this controversy may still be unwritten. But one question now demands an answer: when the price of power keeps rising, who—or what—gets sold first?

The Reluctant Warrior

Assembly elections are underway in two major states—West Bengal and Tamil Nadu. Polling for 152 seats in Bengal and all 234 seats in Tamil Nadu is scheduled for April 23. PM Modi has unleashed an aggressive campaign blitz. Home Minister Amit Shah has announced a 15-day ground push in Bengal.

In sharp contrast, Rahul Gandhi has largely stayed away from Tamil Nadu campaigning so far. He has not been particularly visible in Bengal either.  He is finally visited West Bengal on Tuestday, April 14 and may visit one more time. But along with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, his focus has remained on Kerala, Puducherry and Assam—even there, without matching Modi’s intensity. The BJP, despite modest prospects in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, the party has mounted a full-scale effort.

Congress, however, seems to be going through the motions. Though it is contesting more seats in TN in alliance with the DMK, its top leadership’s late push looks largely symbolic. In Bengal, where it is contesting widely after decades, expectations remain modest despite pockets of hope in Murshidabad and Malda.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Amit Shah’s Talent Hunt in the Heartland

The saffron gates in Punjab haven't just been nudged open; they’ve been ripped off the hinges. Amit Shah’s "Open Door" policy isn’t a strategy; it’s a vacuum. After the solo runs in Assam and West Bengal, the blueprint is clear: if you can’t beat the machinery, buy the mechanics. But in the corridors of the Punjab BJP, the "old guard" is shivering. They spent decades chanting for a Congress-Mukt Bharat, only to wake up in a Congress-Yukt BJP.

Look at the masthead. Sunil Jakhar, whose DNA carries a century of Congress tradition, now holds the reins. Ravneet Singh Bittu didn’t just defect; he fast-tracked into a Union Ministry. Then there’s the "Maharaja," Captain Amarinder Singh, who moved his entire darbar from the Congress stable to the Lotus fold.

The message from Delhi is unsentimental: "Winning is the only loyalty." Talent is being scouted like a corporate headhunt. Whether it’s rebel AAP MPs looking for a lifeboat or Akali Dal veterans sensing a shift in the wind, the welcome mat is out. It’s the Assam model on steroids. In Guwahati, the CM and his cabinet are a "Who’s Who" of former Congress stalwarts. Punjab is now sprinting down that same track.

For the BJP veterans who braved the lean years, the irony is bitter. They fought the "Hand" for a lifetime, only to find the "Hand" now wearing the "Lotus" ring and calling the shots. They fear the party’s soul is being traded for a spreadsheet of vote banks. Shah’s gamble is high-stakes. He’s betting that a patchwork of "borrowed" giants can do what the original cadre couldn't: conquer the heartland of the farmers' protest. The doors stay open, the air is thick with ambition, and the original saffron line is fading into a shade of "Congress-lite."

Rahul Gandhi’s Kerala Googley

Rahul Gandhi has tossed a political googley in Kerala, declaring that if the Congress comes to power, he would like to see a woman as Chief Minister. The remark has instantly reset the conversation. The pitch, however, came wrapped in sentiment. During the campaign, Rahul recalled his recent experience when Sonia Gandhi was hospitalised. He spoke of a nurse from Kerala who attended to her with remarkable care, using the anecdote to spotlight the compassion and commitment associated with the state’s nurses. “A nurse from Kerala came every hour to check on my mother… they have comforted countless families in their most difficult times,” he said, before adding that he looks forward to Kerala having a woman Chief Minister.

Yet, the emotional appeal masks hard politics. The statement has unsettled senior leaders like K. C. Venugopal, Ramesh Chennithala and V. D. Satheesan. The Congress in Kerala has a thin bench of prominent women leaders. With barely eight or nine women candidates among its 95 seats, the optics sit uneasily with the promise. Among those being discussed is MP Hibi Eden, though she is not contesting. Shanimol Usman, Bindu Krishna, Uma Thomas are also being talked about apart from Former MP and Dalit leader Ramya Haridas. For now, Rahul’s googley has landed. Whether it turns into a wicket will depend on the verdict—and the numbers.

What’s Cooking in Bihar?

There’s more than routine constitutional propriety behind the calm in Patna. Nitish Kumar may have resigned from the Legislative Council within the mandated 14-day window after his election to the Rajya Sabha on March 16, but he continues to hold on as Chief Minister of Bihar—and that has set political antennas twitching. Formally, there is nothing amiss. Under Article 164(4) of the Constitution, a non-legislator can serve as Chief Minister for up to six months. Nitish is expected to take oath in the Rajya Sabha around April 10. Until then—and even beyond—his dual positioning raises no immediate red flags in law.

But politics rarely stops at legality. Nitish’s decision to stay put hints at calibrated ambiguity. Is he buying time, or keeping options open in an ever-fluid Bihar landscape? The silence is as telling as any statement.

History offers a sharp reminder of how such overlaps can carry outsized consequences. In 1999, Giridhar Gamang, then Chief Minister of Odisha, voted in the Lok Sabha as a sitting MP. His lone vote against Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government proved decisive, toppling it by a single vote. Nitish’s current stance may be constitutionally sound, but in Indian politics, such technicalities often mask deeper churn. The real story, clearly, is still unfolding.

Arif Mohd. Khan to Dhaka!

The Modi government is seriously considering sending a senior political leader as India's envoy to Bangladesh. If this happens it will be a departure from precedent by considering a political figure for the post of high commissioner. The name doing the rounds is of Arif Mohammed Khan who was Governor of Bihar until a few weeks ago. His removal from the post surprised political circles as he was removed on the day it was decided that Nitish Kumar will quit as Chief Minister. Khan was last seen in the company of top RSS functionaries in Mathura recently.

There is also a talk that a Bengali-speaking envoy will be picked up. The choice of a new High Commissioner comes at a time of political transition in Bangladesh and Tarique Rahman becoming the new PM. The current Indian envoy Pranay Kumar Verma is retiring soon.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

A Quiet Exit, A Loud Loss

The BJP gained three extra Rajya Sabha seats across Assam, Odisha and Bihar — and then stumbled in Haryana, losing one by less than a vote. A statistical blip? Not quite. In politics, ghosts rarely stay buried. Just ask Jagdeep Dhankhar. Once elevated to the Vice President’s chair with much fanfare, Dhankhar’s abrupt exit turned him into what the party presumed was a closed chapter. No courtroom comeback (convention forbids it), no electoral rerun — politically mothballed. Or so it seemed.

But politics has a wicked sense of timing. Without contesting, campaigning, or even speaking, Dhankhar may have quietly swung a Rajya Sabha seat. The trail leads to Haryana — and to Abhay Chautala, heir to Devi Lal’s legacy. Dhankhar, post-resignation, has been staying at Chautala’s farmhouse — not as a guest, but almost as family. When the vote came, the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with its two MLAs, chose abstention over alignment. That silence spoke volumes. Had those votes tilted toward the BJP, the “lost” seat might have been secured.

This is where arithmetic meets emotion. Within BJP circles, unease is growing that the “Dhankhar factor” may not be a one-off. His unceremonious exit has reportedly ruffled Jat sentiment — not just in Haryana, but across Rajasthan and western Uttar Pradesh. The same community that once saw his elevation as symbolic empowerment now reads his fall as political discard. And in a region where caste equations often outvote campaign rhetoric, that perception can travel far.

The immediate loss? One Rajya Sabha seat. The potential cost? A slow, simmering political backlash. Because in Indian politics, it’s not always the loud exits that hurt — sometimes, it’s the quiet ones that echo the longest.

A mystery behind the coveted Bungalow 

For a man who once presided over proceedings with a firm hand, Jagdeep Dhankhar is now discovering that the real game begins after the chair is vacated. Nearly eight months after demitting office, the former Vice President is still waiting to step into his officially allotted Type-VIII bungalow at A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Road—prime Lutyens' Delhi real estate. The explanation? Renovations, technicalities, paperwork—pick your favourite bureaucratic alibi.

The irony is hard to miss. Here is a constitutional authority, once at the apex of the system, now navigating the same maze that ordinary mortals have long complained about. The allotment, we are told, happened months ago. The house, however, seems to be playing hide-and-seek—vacant, yet unavailable; allotted, yet not offered.

Even the formal letter of possession appears to be on an extended sabbatical. The ever-dependable Central Public Works Department is reportedly “working” on it—though what exactly is being worked on remains as elusive as the keys to the bungalow. Meanwhile, Dhankhar cools his heels at a private farmhouse, a temporary arrangement stretching into a long-term anecdote.

In the grand theatre of Delhi’s power corridors, this is less a housing delay and more a masterclass in how the system treats even its own veterans. Titles fade, protocols thin out, and the file—always the file—takes on a life of its own. For Dhankhar, the lesson is perhaps unexpected but unmistakable: in Delhi, you may enforce the rules once—but sooner or later, you must also endure them.

Nitish Going Nowhere: Health Concerns Aside

Despite persistent whispers over frail health and an impending transition, Nitish Kumar is signaling one thing with unmistakable clarity: he is not exiting Bihar’s political stage anytime soon. His move to retain the Janata Dal (United) presidency, even as he prepares to shift to the Rajya Sabha, is less a retreat and more a recalibration. The message within the NDA ecosystem is clear—Nitish may step aside from the chief minister’s chair, but not from the levers of power. Party insiders concede that his role in choosing a successor will be decisive. The name of Samrat Chaudhary is doing the rounds, but the final word rests with Nitish. His repeated public endorsements of the deputy chief minister are being read as both grooming and gate keeping.

Equally telling is the calibrated emergence of Nishant Kumar. Once shielded from politics, the younger Kumar is now being positioned as a future stakeholder—an evolution that underscores Nitish’s intent to shape the post-him era without surrendering control.

For the BJP, this arrangement offers continuity without confrontation. For the JDU, it ensures that its social coalition—particularly the Luv-Kush axis—remains anchored to a familiar pivot. By shifting roles rather than relinquishing relevance, he is crafting a soft landing that keeps him firmly at the centre of Bihar’s power matrix. Watch out for the new Assembly Speaker too.  

A Shake-Up, Finally

The long-whispered churn in the BJP ecosystem is edging from speculation to schedule. By May, a calibrated shake-up across party, government and its wider power grid now looks imminent. The timing is hardly accidental. A short Parliament session — expected to clear the politically loaded women’s reservation and delimitation bills — will give the government both momentum and manoeuvring room. With the current West Asia turbulence likely to cool by then, the stage could be set for a reset in New Delhi.

Inside the party, the organisational reshuffle has been on hold ever since Nitin Nabin took charge. That pause now appears tactical. A round of musical chairs is in the works: some ministers may be redeployed to strengthen the party apparatus, while fresh faces could be drafted into the Union Council.

At the centre of it all is Narendra Modi, who is set to complete two years of his third term in May — a natural inflection point for course correction. A cabinet reshuffle is expected, with performance, caste calculus and electoral signaling all in play. The possible entry of Nitish Kumar into the Union Cabinet adds another layer of intrigue. If executed well, this won’t just be a reshuffle — it could be a strategic reboot ahead of the next political curve.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

The Elite Lose Sleep

Ever since Narendra Modi took office, India’s bureaucracy has been jolted out of its comfort zone. The Prime Minister’s relentless work ethic—often stretching close to 20 hours a day—has steadily reset expectations across ministries. While most departments felt the shift early, the traditionally insulated elite of the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) managed to glide through with limited disruption, barring brief pressure spells during episodes like “Operation Sindoor.”

That insulation is now gone. A complex global crisis—one India is not party to, yet cannot escape—has dragged the Ministry of External Affairs into an unforgiving, high-velocity environment. At the centre is the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), operating in overdrive and demanding real-time responsiveness. For a service steeped in protocol and process, the change has been stark.

Take a recent instance: as tensions escalated overseas, the PMO sought an urgent conversation with a key global leader. What would earlier take hours—if not a full day—through diplomatic channels, was compressed into minutes. Senior IFS officials were on the phone past midnight, scrambling across time zones to secure the line. The old rhythm of calibrated diplomacy is giving way to a results-driven, time-bound approach. With conversations spanning time zones, officials are clocking 18–20 hour workdays, matching the tempo set at the top. A slight delay invited direct calls from the PMO, seeking explanations. This is the new normal.

This round-the-clock culture is unprecedented for the MEA. It marks a shift from ceremonial diplomacy to mission-mode execution, where delivery trumps decorum. For India’s blue-blood diplomatic corps, long accustomed to measured pace and hierarchy, the message is unmistakable: adapt or be left behind. The elite, it seems, are finally losing sleep.

Rahul’s Scripted Politics, Unscripted Damage

People often ask who writes Rahul Gandhi’s speeches. The stock answer: elite aides from Harvard and Oxford. But speechwriters are universal—from the Prime Minister downwards. The real question is judgment, not drafting. Rahul is widely seen as fearless, honest, and unbending before the government. Fair enough. But elections aren’t won on virtue alone. If they were, Communist parties—equally vocal and combative—would dominate everywhere. Winning demands political instinct and sustained grind, where Rahul still appears wanting.

His latest remark in Lucknow, at an event marking Kanshi Ram’s birth anniversary, underscores the problem. He said that if Jawaharlal Nehru hadn’t existed, Kanshi Ram would have become Chief Minister. The statement lands as both careless and condescending. Kanshi Ram didn’t need Congress patronage—he built his own movement and installed Mayawati as Uttar Pradesh CM multiple times through sheer political engineering. The remark also exposes a dated strategy: revive the Nehru-era Congress coalition of Dalits, Muslims, and Brahmins. That arithmetic no longer holds. In fact, it invites scrutiny—how many Dalit CMs did Congress actually produce?

The answer is uncomfortable. Despite governing widely, Congress elevated only a handful of Dalit chief ministers. The most recent was Charanjit Singh Channi in Punjab. Even the BJP has yet to appoint one. Nehru ruled for 17 years and produced just one Dalit CM. Against that record, invoking him to elevate Kanshi Ram rings hollow. For Rahul Gandhi, the takeaway is simple: less rhetoric, more rigour. Loose lines don’t just miss the mark—they damage credibility. Mallikarjun Kharge once thought of broaching the subject with Rahul Gandhi. But couldn't muster the courage, say sources.

From Parliament to ‘Tapori’: When Politics Goes Bambaiya

Indian politics briefly took a detour into Mumbai street slang after Kangana Ranaut decided to label Rahul Gandhi a “tapori”—a word more at home in Bollywood banter than parliamentary discourse. The remark raised eyebrows, not least because “tapori” doesn’t quite feature in standard political vocabulary. For the uninitiated, it loosely translates to a street-smart vagabond—part rogue, part charmer, and occasionally a cinematic hero. Think less policy paper, more Rangeela energy.

Predictably, the backlash was swift. The Congress ignored it. But Priyanka Chaturvedi stepped in with a pointed rebuttal, calling the comment “wrong” and gently reminding critics of Gandhi’s public positioning on women’s issues—while also noting the irony of targeting someone from a lineage known for its women leaders.

But the real curiosity is linguistic. “Tapori,” with its roots in Marathi street culture, once described flamboyant, mischievous young men loitering around Mumbai’s tapris. Over time, Bollywood polished the edges, turning the term into something almost aspirational—a badge of rebellious cool.

Which perhaps explains the confusion. Insult, caricature, or accidental compliment? In today’s politics, even street slang can briefly steal the national spotlight.

A Tale of Two Cases

The recent closure of the Sterling Biotech case involving the Sandesara brothers who fled the country in 2017 —Nitin and Chetan—has drawn attention to the fine balance between legal closure and public perception. The settlement, approved by the Supreme Court of India, allows for a payment of ₹5,100 crore as “full and final” resolution between the promoters, lending banks and investigative agencies. On paper, it brings closure. In practice, it raises questions. Sterling Biotech’s total dues were estimated at nearly ₹19,400 crore. Yet, roughly a quarter of that amount has been accepted to settle not just civil liabilities but also accompanying criminal proceedings. The allegations by agencies included complex financial irregularities and the use of 200 shell entities. The settlement, therefore, marks a legal endpoint, though not without discomfort within banking circles.

Contrast this with the case of Vijay Mallya. His liabilities, pegged at a little over ₹6,000 crore, stemmed largely from the collapse of his Kingfisher airline business rather than proven fraud at the time of default. Having left India in 2016, he was later declared a fugitive. Since then, recovery agencies claim to have realised over ₹14,000 crore through asset seizures—well above the principal. Yet, with interest accruals, his dues are still treated as unsettled, hovering near ₹20,000 crore.

Two cases, two outcomes—both legally sanctioned, yet starkly divergent. The contrast underlines the complexities of financial justice, where recovery, culpability and closure do not always align in ways that appear intuitive.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Reservation by Raffle? Parliament May Try Its Luck

Indian democracy has tried many innovations, but the latest idea doing the rounds in Delhi could easily pass for political satire: deciding women’s reserved seats in the Lok Sabha by lottery. Yes, a lottery. Not the kind that changes your life overnight, but one that could determine which parliamentary constituencies out of 543 will be reserved for women when the 33 per cent quota possibly kicks in 2029.

The discussion stems from a practical problem. The landmark Nari Shakti Vandan Act, passed with great fanfare in 2023, says the reservation will come into force only after the census and the delimitation of constituencies. The census process has finally been notified and, if schedules hold, the data may emerge by late 2027. Once the census numbers are out, a Delimitation Commission will have to redraw constituency boundaries which will take another two years if not more. The political dilemma is how to implement women’s reservation before the 2029 election without waiting for delimitation to finish.

Enter the lottery idea. If delimitation is delayed, one option being discussed is to temporarily delink the reservation from the boundary exercise and allocate the required constituencies through a draw of lots. The proposal is still in the realm of speculation. Opposition parties have already suggested separating reservation from the census–delimitation cycle. Meanwhile, signals of a “significant bill” have come from Kiren Rijiju, though details remain under wraps. If the idea gains traction, India’s electoral politics could soon face a curious spectacle—where the path to Parliament may depend not just on campaigning, alliances and strategy, but also on the luck of the draw.

‘Rarest of the Rare’: The Three-Minute Video Saga

The detention of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk under the National Security Act may well enter legal folklore as a “rarest of the rare” episode — not because the law was invoked, but because a three-minute video began to unravel the government’s case. The drama unfolded in the Supreme Court when the bench of Justices Aravind Kumar and P. B. Varale began probing the basis of Wangchuk’s detention. At the heart of the case was his speech delivered during protests in Leh.

But the court noticed something odd. The government’s translation of Wangchuk’s speech ran for nearly seven to eight minutes. The original video, however, lasted barely three minutes. The bench was quick to flag the mismatch. “How can a three-minute speech have a seven-minute translation?” the judges asked, making it clear that they wanted the actual transcript rather than the government’s interpretation.

The turning point came when the court said it would watch the video itself. The Centre was asked to submit the footage cited in the detention order on a pen drive so the judges could verify the speech first-hand. That single decision changed the complexion of the case. The government began seeking adjournments. At one stage, the hearing was deferred after the law officer informed the bench that Tushar Mehta was unwell and needed time to respond.

But before the judges could actually sit down to watch the video, the Centre quietly revoked the detention order. And that is what makes the episode “rarest of the rare”, legal luminaries say. A preventive-detention case that began collapsing the moment the court insisted on seeing the three-minute video behind the seven-minute translation.

Erasing Lutyens from Delhi!

The transformation of India’s power corridor may be heading for its boldest phase yet. After unveiling the new Parliament House and pushing ahead with a vast executive complex, the government is now looking at a sweeping redesign of the entire Central Vista and large parts of Lutyens’ Delhi.

At the heart of the plan is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ambition to modernize the core of the capital. The next target is to gradually move all departments into modern integrated multi-storied complexes that can accommodate thousands of officials under one roof and even VIP bungalows. The ripple effects could extend well beyond government offices. Several colonial-era bungalow clusters across Lutyens’ Delhi are now under scrutiny. Hundreds of Houses around the Race Course Road and area in Lutyens Delhi have reportedly received eviction notices as authorities explore building multi-storeyed accommodation for MPs and even ministers.

The redevelopment footprint could also cover institutions such as the Press Club of India, the Indian Women’s Press Corps, key institutions and the elite Delhi Gymkhana Club. If the plan unfolds fully, the quiet bungalow capital designed by Edwin Lutyens may slowly give way to a dense, modern government district. Supporters call it long-overdue modernization. Critics have a sharper phrase for it: the steady erasing of Lutyens from Delhi. His bust has already gone.

Who After Harivansh? Deputy Chairman Race Gets Tricky

With Harivansh Narayan Singh set to retire as Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, a question has surfaced in the corridors of power: who will occupy the chair next? At one stage, there was speculation that the BJP was keen on sending him back for a third term. But Nitish Kumar’s party chose otherwise, and the BJP did little to intervene — a political fate not very different from what earlier befell R. C. P. Singh, once a minister in the Modi government.

By convention, the post could again go to the JD(U), but the party’s options appear limited. Among its Rajya Sabha MPs, Ram Nath Thakur, son of socialist icon Karpoori Thakur, is already serving as a minister. The party’s working president Sanjay Jha is reportedly uninterested, while others are not seen as strong contenders. This leaves the NDA looking beyond JD(U). Could the post go to an ally such as Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam Party, or perhaps to representatives of Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena or Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party faction?

Earlier, the government had even explored offering the position to neutral, issue-based supporters like the BJD. That option now appears politically unviable. For the NDA leadership, what should have been a routine parliamentary appointment has quietly turned into a delicate exercise in coalition management. The Lok Sabha is already without a Deputy Speaker. Will the Rajya Sabha witness the same in the days to come!

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Chabahar Damaged, Jolt to India’s Strategic Port

The escalating conflict involving Donald Trump’s United States, Israel and Iran is beginning to cast a long and troubling shadow over India’s strategic interests in West Asia. Beyond the immediate geopolitical tremors, New Delhi is now confronting tangible losses — the most serious being the reported damage and shutdown of the strategically vital Chabahar Port in southeastern Iran. According to informed sources, the port has been badly hit in the recent hostilities. The extent of the damage is still being assessed, but officials acknowledge that the losses could be substantial. The government is now dispatching a team to Iran to evaluate the situation and determine the impact on Indian investments and operations.

For India, Chabahar is far more than a commercial project. The port represents a critical strategic gateway allowing New Delhi to bypass Pakistan and access landlocked Afghanistan and the broader Central Asian region. The project has long been a cornerstone of India’s connectivity and geopolitical outreach to Eurasia. Ironically, the port had only recently secured a fragile diplomatic reprieve. In October last year, the United States had agreed to grant another sanctions waiver for Chabahar following intense negotiations involving Washington’s ambassador-designate Sergio Gor. Gor reportedly held marathon meetings with senior Indian officials, including External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, during a series of confidential discussions in New Delhi.

The implications are serious. India had signed a 10-year contract in May 2024 to operate the Shahid Beheshti terminal at Chabahar, a commitment central to its long-term regional strategy. With the port now damaged, Indian entities operating there face uncertainty and potential penalties, raising fresh concerns about the vulnerability of India’s overseas strategic assets in an increasingly volatile region.

The Importance of Being V. K. Saxena

In the latest gubernatorial reshuffle, the appointment of V. K. Saxena may not have grabbed headlines, but it carries significant strategic weight. Saxena has been named the fourth Lieutenant Governor of Ladakh, succeeding earlier appointees including R. K. Mathur, B. D. Mishra and Kavinder Gupta of UT which was created just six years ago.

The Centre appears to be banking on Saxena’s administrative experience at a sensitive time for the Himalayan Union Territory. Having earlier served as LG of Delhi, Saxena built a reputation for an assertive, hands-on style of governance. His tenure saw him play a key role in shaping the political and administrative landscape that eventually helped the BJP regain power in the capital in 2025.

Hand-picked by Narendra Modi, who had earlier noticed his work at the Khadi and Village Industries Commission, Saxena is now expected to focus on development and security in Ladakh. His appointment also comes amid persistent demands from groups such as the Leh Apex Body and the Kargil Democratic Alliance for statehood and Sixth Schedule protections — making his role both administrative and politically delicate.

TMC singing to its own tune in Assam & Kerala

In politics, what appears obvious is often deceptive. This is why a key question is being asked: Is Mamata Banerjee genuinely committed to stopping the BJP not just in West Bengal, but across the country? If one examines closely, a pattern is visible- weaken the Congress. In Goa, TMC's aggressive entry in 2022 ended up damaging the Congress far more than the BJP. TMC secured 5.2 per cent of the vote in 2022, while the Congress vote share fell by 4.9 per cent. The Aam Aadmi Party also polled around seven per cent, and together they decimated the Congress. It has never recovered in the state. In Meghalaya, Mamata Banerjee went a step further by engineering a split in the Congress and inducted most of its MLAs into TMC. A similar attempt was made in Jharkhand, though without success.

The same strategy now seems to be unfolding ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in Assam and Kerala. TMC is preparing to contest alone in both states where a small vote share can prove decisive. In Assam, the Congress' Gaurav Gogoi even reached out to the TMC leadership. But his efforts went in vain. In Kerala, two-time Left-backed MLA P.V. Anvar has joined TMC, suggesting that Mamata’s entry there may weaken the Congress more than the BJP, even if it indirectly benefits the CPM. That appears not to concern her. The CPM is no longer a serious force in Bengal; the Congress, however, remains a rival nationally and the TMC may be a casual ally in the INDIA Bloc.

Why Khan Got the Boot!

March 5 turned into a day of high political drama in Bihar. It is perhaps first time that a state lost a Chief Minister and the Governor too. In a matter of hours, two powerful occupants of office — Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and Governor Arif Mohammad Khan — were out of the picture. Kumar’s exit was hardly shocking, though his decision to move to the Rajya Sabha did raise eyebrows. The real surprise was the abrupt removal of Khan. Almost instantly, the Centre moved to install former Lieutenant General of the army, Syed Ata Hasnain as the new Governor.

The speed of the transition suggested a carefully scripted political move by the ruling BJP establishment to tighten its grip on the state’s political narrative. Ironically, Khan had been a trusted pick of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, first appointed Governor of Kerala in 2019 before being shifted to Bihar in December 2024. After more than six years in gubernatorial office — and once even whispered as a possible vice-presidential contender — his sudden exit remains unexplained, and politically intriguing.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

BJP high command to pick 16 RS candidates shortly 

Nitin Nabin, Mithun Chakraborty, Pawan Singh, K Annamalai in the reckoning

RS biennial polls for 37 seats on March 16 

Harish Gupta

The BJP high command is likely to meet soon to field around 16 candidates for the 37 Rajya Sabha seats that will go to the polls on March 16 while its allies will contest another six. The prominent names under consideration are of party president Nitin Nabin from Bihar though there is some ambiguity over him. It is said that former BJP national presidents Amit Shah and Nitin Gadkari had continued as MLAs for a considerable period after becoming party chief.

The BJP is set to win two seats in Bihar out of 5 and JD(U) will win remaining two while one seat MGB may win with the help of AIMIM. But this is an open seat for now. A Bhoj puri singer Pawan singh is another name doing the rounds. He met the high command recently in Delhi. Former MP Rama Devi, Nand Kishore Yadav, Rakesh Tiwari, and Rituraj Sinha are also in the reckoning.

Some of the prominent names emerging are of former BJP Tamil Nadu president K Annamalai and BJP general secretary Vinod Tawade. Actor-politician Mithun Chakraborty, Manmohan Samal, BJP state president Odisha, instrumental in the party's win in the assembly polls and Abhinandan Panda, son of a veteran BJP leader Basant Panda are being considered from Odisha.

Former Congress leader Kiran Chaudhary, who joined the Bharatiya Janata Party two years ago, is hoping to get another term but there are murmurs that the party could instead pick a Jat leader for the upcoming vacancy in Haryana.

The BJP will gain at least five Rajya Sabha seats out of 37 seats. The BJP's 9 MPs are retiring (Maharashtra 2), Odisha (2), Assam (2) Haryana (2), Himachal (1) among the 37 MPs elections for which are being held.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta 

Why the PMO Is Upset

The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) is understood to be deeply dissatisfied with the manner in which two sensitive issues — the Aravalli Hills matter and the University Grants Commission (UGC) regulations controversy — were handled by the concerned departments. Sources indicate that a comprehensive performance review of several ministries and departments is currently underway. Insiders suggest this scrutiny is also one of the reasons behind the delay in organisational  and other changes.

The Modi government faced considerable political and legal heat over the Aravalli Hills case. In late 2025, the Supreme Court accepted a new “100-metre elevation” definition for the Aravalli range proposed by a committee led by the Environment Ministry. Critics argued that the new definition would leave more than 90 per cent of the ecologically fragile stretch open to mining. The ministry initially defended its position, but the SC later kept the definition in abeyance. Following the backlash and institutional embarrassment, the Centre directed states to impose a complete ban on fresh mining leases in the Aravallis.

What has raised eyebrows within the establishment is that the PMO has, in the past, intervened when proposals threatened environmentally sensitive regions. Despite that track record, this lapse occurred.

The second flash point was the UGC’s “Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026.” Intended to address caste-based discrimination, the notification triggered controversy for appearing to focus primarily on reserved categories (SC, ST, OBC) while allegedly overlooking grievances from the general category. As protests spread nationwide, the ministry continued to defend the regulations, insisting they would not lead to misuse. When the PMO sought clarification, it was reportedly informed that the UGC — an autonomous body — had not consulted it before issuing the notification. The obvious follow-up question — why then was it defended? — reportedly drew no convincing response. The twin episodes have exposed gaps in coordination, political assessment and anticipatory governance — precisely the areas the PMO is now believed to be examining closely.

Delhi’s Empire and Punjab’s Maharaja

Captain Amarinder Singh once carried himself like Punjab’s last Maharaja — proud, commanding, answerable to no one. But politics, like royalty, changes once you enter a new court. His move from Congress to the BJP was supposed to be a graceful retirement plan: a Governor’s chair, a ceremonial farewell, and perhaps a secure political landing spot for his family. Instead, the Maharaja discovered a harsher truth — in the BJP, you do not negotiate your future, you are assigned one.

Today, neither wife nor son holds an elected post. The Captain himself, no longer in active health or active politics, has become more symbol than player. When he recently hinted he could even leave the BJP because no senior leader listens to him, the message was loud: even Maharajas are not consulted in this empire. The Congress, sensing an opening, spoke of welcoming him back.

But hold your breath! Almost instantly came the ED notice under a lighter provision (FEMA) — to Amarinder and his son — over their foreign assets. The timing was not subtle. The family quickly clarified: no, they are not going anywhere. They are loyal soldiers of the BJP. And then, as if on cue, the officer issuing the notice was transferred. Silence returned. The Captain may have thought he joined the BJP for protection. But perhaps he has learned the deeper rule: once you are inside, your future is no longer yours to decide.

Double Landing in Gujarat: Nitin Meets Kejri's Ambition

Call it coincidence — or the quiet drumbeat of an early campaign season. As newly appointed BJP chief Nitin Nabin made his first high-profile visit to Gujarat, shadowed by Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, another political traveller touched down almost simultaneously: Arvind Kejriwal, accompanied by Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann.

Nabin stayed three days. Kejriwal stayed two. But the subtext lasted longer. The BJP has ruled Gujarat for nearly three decades. Yet the real churn is not about power — it is about who occupies the opposition space. The AAP, which bagged 12.92% vote share in 2022, now smells blood. Internal projections claim it has surged to nearly 25%, overtaking a listless Congress and positioning itself as the principal challenger ahead of 2027.

Kejriwal’s pitch is blunt: push Congress to third place, turn Gujarat into a direct BJP-versus-AAP duel. Even a strong second-place finish in local body polls would redraw the state’s political map. For Congress, this is existential. For BJP, it is a reminder that the challenger may no longer wear the old colours.

The Reluctant Patriarch Who Knows Everything

Nitish Kumar insists he is no believer in dynasty. He invokes Karpoori Thakur like a moral shield — socialism over surname, principle over progeny. As long as he is active, he says, his son will remain outside politics. And yet, curiously, the marketing department seems to be working overtime. On cue, party leaders float Nishant’s name for organisational roles, Rajya Sabha prospects, even future leadership. The whispers are too coordinated to be accidental, too persistent to be spontaneous. But the Chief Minister maintains studied innocence — as if these are independent outbreaks of enthusiasm.

This is vintage Nitish: publicly austere, privately adaptive. He knows the optics of dynasty in Bihar’s politics are tricky. So the son does not “enter”; he is merely “encouraged.” The father does not “promote”; he merely “observes.”  The message is subtle: succession is not ambition — it is compulsion, even consensus.

And if the choreography looks suspiciously well-rehearsed, perhaps it is because the script was never meant to surprise the director. That's why Union Minister Rajiv Ranjan Singh and Sanjay Jha are publicly batting for Nishant Kumar's entry in the Rajya Sabha or a key role in the party.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Congress may gain in RS biennial polls

4 MPs retiring, party may win 6 seats

Harish Gupta

If the BJP is improving its Rajya Sabha tally from 103 seats to 108-109 in the biennial polls scheduled for March 16, the Congress may also improve its numbers. Currently, the Congress has 25 Mps in the Rajya Sabha and its four members are retiring. If the party plays its cards well, it may gain two extra seats. The four party Mps retiring are Rajni Patil (Maharashtra) , Abhishek Singhvi (Telangana) and KTS Tulsi and Phulo Devi Netam (Chhattisgarh).

According to reports emanating from the AICC, given the current situation, Abhishek Manu Singhvi is sure to be renominated from Telangana. The Congress is also likely to get one seat in Chhattisgarh and the name of former Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel is doing the rounds. The Congress may also get one seat each in Himachal Pradesh and Haryana. It is ruling Himachal and has 37 MLAs in Haryana and 31 votes are needed to win a seat.

The Congress may get a seat in Assam as well where it has 29 votes and needs the support of 32 MLAs to win the seat. If the CPM (1), AIUDF (16) and BPF (1) support, the Congress may gain a seat. However, Assam Chief Minister Hemanta Biswa Sarma has declared that the BJP will win all three seats.

The Congress may hope to get a seat in Odisha if an understanding is reached with Naveen Patnaik of the BJD. The BJD has 51 votes and a candidate needs 30 votes to win a seat. The Congress has 14 MLAs. The parties can put up a common candidate against the ruling BJP.

The Congress high command is hopeful of getting an extra seat in Telangana which the Chief Minister Reventh Reddy has assured. The UPA has 65 MLAs and may get the support of AIMIM (7 MLAs) and several rebel BRS MLAs.

The Congress has also urged the DMK in Tamil Nadu to spare a RS seat since the Chief Minister M K Stalin is not sharing power with it though prospects are bleak.

(separate Box)

Former Union Minister Anand Sharma & Bhanwar Jitendra Singh, film actor Raj Babbar, Pawan Khera, Sachin Rao, Krishna Allavaru, Meenakshi Natrajan, Supriya Shrinate and others eyeing RS seats.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Experts Question Caste Census with an Escape Clause?

No "Dedicated" column for OBCs like SCs/STs

Harish Gupta

Population experts are baffled by the government's notification where citizens will be answering 33 questions during the first phase of the Census, starting April 1. The enumerators will ask whether the head of the household belongs to the Scheduled Caste, the Scheduled Tribe or other communities. 

Experts say that individuals have been given the option to disclose their caste or category rather than giving OBCs (Other Backward Classes) a "dedicated column" as in the case of Scs and Sts. Of course, an individual can certainly mention his caste in the “Third column”. But this column is for all castes including the Upper, OBC or others.

Enumerators will certainly mention the caste as told to them by the individuals. But there is no specific instruction/column for OBCs. Experts point out that in the absence of this provision, counting OBCs from the third column will be an impossible task.

The puzzle is sharper because the government has, after much delay, agreed to conduct India’s first caste-based census since 1931. The move came after sustained pressure from OBC groups, who argue that they constitute over 52 per cent of the population and therefore deserve a proportionate share in state resources and welfare benefits.

When contacted, the government sources declined to comment but informally  agreed that there is no consolidation for OBCs column, unlike the consolidation that continues for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST).

For the first time, the Census will also allow self-enumeration through digital means, with specific codes provided for non-disclosure. The critics warn that built-in escape routes could undermine the very objective of the exercise.

Ever since OBCs were granted reservations in jobs and educational institutions in the 1990s, there has been a persistent demand for a nationwide caste census. Some states, including Bihar and Haryana, attempted caste surveys, but most failed to reach logical conclusions due to political and administrative hurdles.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

Why Delhi Is Betting on Ashwini Vaishnav

Ashwini Vaishnav is not the kind of minister who dominates television panels or daily headlines. He keeps a deliberately low profile, avoids the media glare, and operates with the demeanour of a technocrat rather than a political showman. Yet, in Narendra Modi’s government, his importance far outweighs his visibility.

Vaishnav’s strength lies in a rare convergence of skills. A former IAS officer with an engineering degree from IIT Kanpur and an MBA from Wharton, he embodies the Modi government’s preferred model of leadership—technically grounded, administratively sharp, and relentlessly execution-focused. As the minister handling Railways, Electronics and IT, he is seen as a hands-on administrator who understands both policy design and the nuts and bolts of delivery.

He has also cultivated a reputation for accessibility. Unlike many senior ministers, Vaishnav uses social media proactively, responding to public grievances and tracking complaints in real time. Beyond this, he holds the crucial Information and Broadcasting portfolio, placing him at the heart of the government’s sensitive media management operations, including coordination with the PMO. Reflecting this expanded role, a wing of the government’s top media team now functions from Rail Bhawan itself—an unusual but telling institutional coordination.

It is against this backdrop that his quiet arrival in Washington a few days ago assumes significance. Officially, the visit focused on critical minerals. Politically and economically, it was about much more. Vaishnav does not hold a trade or mining portfolio. His presence signalled something else: that he was acting as the Prime Minister’s economic emissary.

By sending a minister who combines proximity to Modi with direct control over industrial execution, New Delhi signalled seriousness to Washington. This was not exploratory diplomacy, but negotiation with intent. While External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar continues to frame the strategic narrative and Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal guards the trade perimeter, the center of gravity has clearly shifted. He has also been sent to Davos at the World Economic Forum meet.  The conversation has moved from diplomacy to deployability. Implementers are now at the forefront—and in that transition, Ashwini Vaishnav has emerged as Modi's muscat.

Ankita Bhandari case: BJP's Self-Inflicted Crisis

The BJP has perfected the art of marketing a political narrative putting rivals to lick the dust in states after states. Most of the Chief Ministers of the BJP-ruled states are having a comfortable time unless the high command decides to show them the door. For a while, everything seemed to be moving smoothly for the Pushkar Singh Dhami government in Uttarakhand. His standing was high with the top leadership of both the RSS and the BJP in terms of delivery and political management. But chinks in his armory surfaced in the murder of Ankita Bhandari case.

More than three years after this hotel receptionist was killed – and seven months after the accused in the case were convicted – fresh allegations surfaced with a senior BJP leader being accused of being involved in it. The fresh outrage forced the Chief Minister to visit Ankita Bhandari's parents and order a CBI probe to identify the alleged “VIP” involved in her murder.

This came as a shot in arm to the Congress and put the BJP on a weak wicket. The reason lay not in the investigation itself but in a series of avoidable missteps by BJP leaders that steadily muddied the narrative. If a CBI inquiry was inevitable to establish the identity of the VIP, the question arises as to why the same was not done earlier. The trigger, perhaps, was

when State BJP president Mahendra Bhatt branded whistle blower in the case a “Congress puppet.” The whistle blower, a North East student claimed that a person referred to as “G” was exerting pressure on Ankita Bhandari through Pulkit Arya for “special services,” and that her refusal led to her murder. Following these claims, the name of a senior BJP leader began circulating, forcing him to seek judicial intervention.

What’s in a Name? BJP’s Quiet Battle Over New Chief

The party’s top brass has quietly issued an internal advisory: senior leaders are requested—the word is doing heavy lifting here—to address the new chief strictly as Adhyakshji. Not Bhaiyyaji, not Nitin babu, and certainly not the dangerously affectionate “Arre Nitin!” The problem is age. Nabin is younger than almost everyone who matters, and Bihar BJP is populated by veterans who have been calling each other bhai since the Mandal era. Old habits, like old leaders, refuse to retire.

There is genuine anxiety in Delhi that a casual bhaiyyaji at a public meeting could puncture the carefully constructed authority of the new president. Two BJP Chief Ministers reportedly were heard calling him by the first name.  After all, respect in politics is often measured less by designation and more by how stiffly one folds their hands. For now, the circular stands. Whether Adhyakshji does is another matter entirely.

Why Congress Never Learns: TN Next

If there is one political lesson the Congress steadfastly refuses to absorb, it is the cost of indecision. The party dragged its feet on alliances in Bihar till the last moment and paid the price. Earlier, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Goa followed the same script—confusion and delayed decisions. Now, Tamil Nadu is beginning to look worryingly familiar.

The state unit is caught in a tug of war between the old guard and the Rahul Gandhi–aligned younger leadership. Veterans want to consolidate the alliance with the ruling DMK, arguing that survival in Tamil Nadu depends on staying firmly within the Dravidian fold. The younger leaders—Manickam Tagore and Jothimani —want the Congress to keep its options open by exploring a possible understanding with actor-turned-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK).

Rahul Gandhi’s recent Tamil Nadu visit was expected to bring clarity. Instead, it deepened the ambiguity. His public criticism of the Censor Board over the denial of a Pongal release to Vijay’s film Jana Nayagan was read as a political signal, unsettling the DMK while energising the pro-TVK camp. For now, Rahul Gandhi appears to be reassuring the DMK even as he encourages his younger colleagues to keep the Vijay option alive—as leverage for more seats and power-sharing. It is a familiar Congress habit: hedge everywhere, decide nowhere, and hope time resolves contradictions. History suggests it rarely does.