Fly on the Wall Harish Gupta  Modi Bends Protocol to Rebuild Bridge with Trump Prime Minister Narendra Modi is moving swiftly to repair strained ties with Washington, setting aside diplomatic niceties in his bid to reconnect with US President Donald Trump. The sudden arrival of US Ambassador-designate Sergio Gor in New Delhi — before presenting his credentials to President Droupadi Murmu — has raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles. Gor’s premature visit, reportedly aimed at firming up a possible Modi–Trump meeting in Kuala Lumpur later this month, breaks long-standing protocol. Ordinarily, a new envoy travels only after New Delhi formally clears Washington’s “agreement” and credentials are accepted by the President. Gor’s early touchdown signals an urgency on both sides to thaw relations that have soured over Trump’s tariff hike on Indian exports and punitive duties on Russian crude purchases. Gor’s early touchdown breaks that protocol. Gor, perhaps, came as a special envoy and not as Ambassador-designate. Gor, a 38-year-old close Trump aide and a key figure in the MAGA campaign, met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri before calling on Modi. The outreach follows Modi’s October 9 call congratulating Trump on the “success of the historic Gaza peace plan,” their second conversation in less than a month. With trade tensions still unresolved, both sides appear eager to reset the equation before it hardens into hostility considering the unpredictable Trump. In Washington and Delhi alike, protocol suddenly seems secondary — diplomacy, it appears, is now running on political instinct.  Cost of Proxy Rule Haryana’s corridors of power have a new reality: Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini may hold the title, but the reins remain firmly with powerful Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. From major appointments to sensitive files, nothing reportedly moves without Khattar’s nod — reducing Saini to a figurehead in his own government. That vacuum of authority turned glaring after the shocking suicide of IGP Y. Puran Kumar on October 7 night. The officer left behind an eight-page note alleging harassment by senior police officials, including DGP Shatrujeet Kapur. Yet, there was silence at the top. Sources say Saini waited for Khattar to decide the course of action — a hesitation that only deepened public anger. The tragedy soon snowballed. Kumar, a Scheduled Caste officer married to IAS officer Amneet Kaur, had powerful social and political backing. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) sought a report on “caste bias,” and Kaur publicly demanded the arrest of the DGP and Rohtak SP Narendra Bijarniya. As the issue gathered heat in the middle of an election season in Bihar, bureaucrats, ministers, and politicians across party lines called on the bereaved family. A 31-member “Shaheed Y. Puran Singh Nyaya Sangharsh Morcha” emerged to demand justice. It was only when the crisis threatened to spiral that action followed: the DGP, HARYANA & OTHERS WERE SHUNTED OUT, and the SC/ST Act was invoked with stringent sections slapped. Five days after the suicide, Saini finally spoke — promising justice “irrespective of position.” NOW THE OFFICER INVESTIGATING PURAN KUMAR FOR CORRUPTION, HAS COMMITTED SUICIDE COMPLICATING THE ISSUE.  However, in Haryana’s power structure, proxy rule had revealed its price — paralysis, delay, and silence. Rahul’s Hydrogen Bomb Goes for a Toss? It’s been nearly a month since Rahul Gandhi promised to drop his political “hydrogen bomb” — a revelation so explosive, he said, it would “end the game.” But so far, the Congress leader’s doomsday device has remained in the hangar, quietly ticking or perhaps quietly forgotten. Rahul’s earlier “atomic bomb” — a 22-page PowerPoint on alleged voter fraud in Karnataka’s Mahadevapura seat — had all the drama but little detonation. He claimed over a lakh votes were stolen, listed five ways it was done, and then… nothing. No protests, no court cases, no follow-up. The Congress, despite ruling Karnataka, managed to misplace both outrage and evidence. Now, the suspense shifts to his promised hydrogen version — supposedly far more devastating. The buzz is that Rahul’s next “exposé” could zero in on Varanasi, where Congress’s Ajay Rai insists he was winning until “vote theft” flipped the script for Prime Minister Modi. Others suggest Rahul is saving his payload for the Bihar polls, where he and Tejashwi Yadav have been crying foul over the voter list revision. But after the Supreme Court recently failed pleas alleging “vote chori” for lack of proof, the stage looks less like a launchpad and more like a crash site. Even Congress insiders are wary — they’ve seen too many fireworks fizzle into fog. This is the Congress’s chronic curse: loud claims, limp action. The party announces battles in the press but rarely fights them on the ground. Will Rahul’s hydrogen bomb finally go off — or will it join the long list of Congress’s dud detonations? For now, India watches, popcorn in hand, waiting to see if this bomb goes boom — or just puff. some changes  Tailpiece: Rahul Gandhi was missing in action once more. The Congress leader left India on September 27 for a tour of Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Chile — with no announced return date. The party said the visit is aimed at strengthening diplomatic and political ties. While the tour itself is legitimate, the optics are strikingly poor. Congress is in a bruising battle with the NDA in Bihar while Haryana is in turmoil following the suicide of a Dalit IGP. Yet Gandhi was focusing on global outreach for over a fortnight. His belated visit to Chandigarh failed to make any impact. his connect with domestic issues does not generate confidence and raises questions about the party’s ability to catch the bull by the horn.