Nagpur’s Nudge, Delhi’s Dilemma
In a move loaded with ideological significance but limited immediate political feasibility, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale has called for a review of the words “secular” and “socialist” in the Preamble of the Constitution — terms inserted through the controversial 42nd Amendment during the Emergency in 1976. Speaking as the country marked 50 years since the imposition of the Emergency, Hosabale framed the additions as “non-original” insertions that altered the spirit of the Constitution envisaged by Dr B.R. Ambedkar. “The Preamble is meant to be eternal. Should socialism be eternal for India?” he asked, nudging the political class — particularly the BJP — toward a deeper ideological reckoning.
But translating that nudge into action is easier said than done. The BJP, despite leading the ruling NDA coalition, lacks the two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament required to amend the Constitution. Even with its allies, the numbers don’t add up — neither in the Lok Sabha nor in the Rajya Sabha. Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, several BJP leaders, including Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Jitendra Singh, quickly endorsed the RSS’s position. Yet, for all of Nagpur’s clarity, Delhi’s arithmetic remains the stumbling block. The party’s more moderate coalition partners in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh — firmly rooted in “secular and socialist” traditions — are already uneasy with such ideological adventurism. As the RSS raises fundamental questions about constitutional permanence, the Modi government faces a classic dilemma: how far to follow the ideological compass without capsizing the coalition boat. The signal from Nagpur is unmistakable — but Delhi, for now, is counting votes, not rewriting texts.
Nitish: ‘Face’ of NDA, Not the Future?
As Bihar heads for assembly polls later this year, the JD(U) finds itself grappling with growing uncertainty over its leader Nitish Kumar’s future—even as the BJP-led NDA insists he remains the alliance’s face for now. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during three visits to Bihar, praised Nitish but never once declared he would be Chief Minister after the elections. Union Home Minister Amit Shah muddied the waters further in an interview, saying: “Only time will decide who will be CM… but we are fighting under Nitish Kumar.” That pause before the comma has JD(U) worried.
The BJP’s dance of ambiguity has only intensified speculation. Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary called Nitish the alliance’s leader, but Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini publicly projected Choudhary as the NDA's rising star in Bihar. This prompted JD(U) to retaliate with a large banner at its Patna headquarters: ‘25 se 30, phir se Nitish’ (Nitish again, from 2025 to 2030). JD(U) spokespersons have been forced into damage control. “He is the CM face. He will lead the government again,” said Rajiv Ranjan Prasad. But BJP’s wariness isn’t without reason. Nitish Kumar has crossed ideological bridges multiple times—snapping ties with the BJP in 2013, returning in 2017, switching to the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan in 2022, and finally rejoining the NDA in 2024 to become CM for the ninth time. So, will he be CM again? Officially, yes. Politically, it’s anyone’s guess. The NDA’s stance seems to be: win with Nitish, decide later.
BJP’s Desperate Bid to Win Dalit Votes
Reeling from its setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP is making a visible, and some say desperate, push to woo Dalit voters. The party’s declining tally was partly attributed to the Opposition’s successful narrative that the Constitution—and by extension, Dalit rights—was under threat. The impact has been enough to force a symbolic reshuffle within the BJP's own power corridors. Ambedkar’s portraits now dominate the walls of BJP offices, often replacing those of Sangh icons like Deendayal Upadhyaya and Syama Prasad Mookerjee. The repositioning is deliberate—to ensure Ambedkar’s image is in every photo frame when ministers and leaders are captured on camera.
The urgency was compounded by the recent controversy in Parliament, when Home Minister Amit Shah’s sarcastic remark on repeated invocations of Ambedkar drew massive backlash. The Opposition capitalised, launching protests with slogans like “Babasaheb Ka Apmaan Nahin Sahega Hindustan”, filing privilege motions, and reviving the “Constitution under threat” campaign. A physical altercation outside Parliament added fuel to the fire. This isn’t the first time BJP has fumbled on Dalit issues. From the 2016 Rohith Vemula suicide and the Una flogging incident, to Bhima Koregaon violence and the SC/ST Act rollback of 2018—the party has often had to scramble for damage control.
Despite appointing Dalit leaders like Ram Nath Kovind as President and increasing Dalit representation in Parliament, the BJP continues to face a trust deficit. With Dalits forming nearly 17% of India’s population, the political cost of alienation is high. Now, with elections in other states on the horizon, the BJP seems determined to pull Dalits deeper into its Hindutva fold. But whether these optics translate into trust—and votes—remains to be seen.
Modi’s Favourite Tharoor Alarms Congress
Shashi Tharoor was in Russia, but the tremors were being felt in Delhi — mostly inside the Congress party’s already fragile emotional landscape. Officially, Tharoor was on a private visit to promote a documentary based on his bestselling book Inglorious Empire. But unofficially? He met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, briefing Moscow’s top leadership on Operation Sindoor, terrorism, and even chatted up BRICS diplomacy. All without holding any government post. Or BJP membership. Or a green signal from his own party.
While Congress leaders grumble about indiscipline, the BJP gets free foreign-policy branding — courtesy of Tharoor’s global glow. He’s enjoying the perks of diplomacy, the freedom of the backbench, and the applause of both Moscow and Twitter. Is he India’s most useful unofficial envoy? Or just the Congress’s most inconvenient MP? Either way, Tharoor’s having fun. Congress is stuck on damage control. And Modi? He’s still smiling.
