by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

"CPR: Modi’s Quiet Loyalist or RSS’s Pick?"

For weeks, Delhi’s political grapevine has been buzzing with claims that BJP’s Vice-Presidential nominee, C.P. Radhakrishnan (CPR), is not close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Critics argue that after losing the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls from Coimbatore, CPR was pushed into political wilderness and that his nomination was an RSS-driven move. The logic: Modi, having burnt his fingers by elevating ‘outsiders’ like Jagdeep Dhankhar and Satyapal Malik, now prefers Sangh insiders to placate the RSS. His Independence Day speech, where he praised the RSS for over a minute, was seen as a clear signal of this shift.

But such commentary ignores CPR’s history. Back in 2002, when Modi faced intense criticism post-Gujarat riots, CPR was perhaps the only BJP state president outside Gujarat to organise a massive rally in Modi’s support at Coimbatore. Then Tamil Nadu BJP chief, he defied the party’s moderate faction and the Vajpayee government’s discomfort to back Modi publicly. Far from being a DMK sympathiser, CPR took on Tamil Nadu CM M.K. Stalin’s son Udayanidhi, warning that those attacking Hindu traditions “will perish by their own acts” – a statement made as Jharkhand Governor. His nomination also strategically placates the Gounder community, upset when K. Annamalai was replaced by Maravar leader Nainar Nagendran. With Gounders forming AIADMK’s core support base, BJP hopes CPR’s elevation will cement its foothold in Tamil Nadu.

As Coir Board chief (2016-2020) and as an active Governor who visited all 24 districts of Jharkhand in just four months, CPR was never out of action. Far from a political outsider, he might be Modi’s quiet loyalist – with RSS blessings in tow.

Women Power Set to Surge in Modi Cabinet

Big Reshuffle, Bigger Role for Women, and Political Balancing Ahead

The Modi government is preparing for a major expansion and reshuffle of the Union Council of Ministers, with a significant focus on boosting women’s representation. The move is expected soon after the RSS-BJP coordination meeting in Jodhpur on September 5 and the Vice-Presidential election on September 9.

At present, only seven women feature in the 72-member council—less than 10% representation. Within Parliament, BJP has 30 women MPs in the Lok Sabha and 19 in the Rajya Sabha, a tally that is also well below the forthcoming benchmark. The BJP has 240 Mps in the Lok Sabha and 100 in the Rajya Sabha. With the Women’s Reservation Act mandating one-third of all seats for women in the 2029 general elections, the government is keen to signal a shift now.

Party strategists indicate that new ministerial faces could be drawn from Bihar, West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Assam, where Assembly elections are approaching. Caste calculations will also weigh heavily, particularly in Bihar, where sections of the Rajput and Kushwaha communities feel under-represented. Alongside the cabinet rejig, the appointment of a new BJP president and gubernatorial changes are expected soon, signalling a larger political reset. For Modi, expanding “women power” in the cabinet is more than optics—it’s a calculated move to blend representation, caste balance, and election strategy well ahead of 2029.

Modi Tweaks policy but Babus not amused

Facing a severe shortage of IAS officers at the Centre, the Modi government hit upon a new plan and revised the empanelment policy itself to widen the pool of eligible officers. A new directive was issued under which IAS officers from the 2010 batch onwards were allowed to qualify for joint secretary (JS) posts even if they’ve served at least two years at the under-secretary level — a post often shunned due to limited perks and authority. This came as a shock as PM Modi's 2020 policy mandated that only those who had served as deputy secretaries or directors for two years at the Centre could be empanelled as JS. This move was aimed at encouraging early deputation. However, that too failed to solve the crunch — with just 442 IAS officers working at the Centre as of 2023 against a sanctioned strength of 1,469.

Despite the policy push, ground realities persist. “No one wants to leave a powerful District Magistrate post to become an under-secretary in Delhi,” said an IAS officer. Officers say the system unfairly penalises them. “We’re being punished for decisions we don’t control,” said one official. Data shows only 16 of 119 officers from the 2009 batch were empanelled, compared to nearly half of the 2005-08 batches. Some view the move as part of the Centre’s broader effort to assert more control over All India Services. A 2022 proposal to amend cadre rules and override states in deputation matters was shelved after protests. While the tweak aims to restore the Centre’s appeal among IAS officers, many remain unconvinced. Without structural changes and better incentives, the shortage — and the Centre-state tug-of-war — continues.

Agniveer Policy May See Major Shift

The government is likely to revise the Agnipath scheme as the first batch of Agniveers nears completion of its four-year tenure. Under current rules, only 25% of them are to be absorbed permanently in the armed forces, while the rest retire. Sources indicate the government may increase this percentage, allowing a larger number of Agniveers to continue in service. The rethink comes after recent security operations, where the need for a stronger and more experienced force has been felt.

The states and paramilitary forces have already offered priority to retiring Agniveers, but a policy change within the Army itself would be a big relief for thousands of youth. If cleared, the decision could silence criticism that the scheme leaves most recruits jobless after four years. Officials suggest an announcement may come before the first batch formally retires.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall 

Harish Gupta

Modi may reshuffle his pack

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is contemplating a reshuffle of his council of ministers in a couple of weeks. With the parliament session coming to an end and NDA candidate C P Radhakrishnan's win for the Vice President post a certainty, the reshuffle is reported to be taking a definite shape. It is also becoming clear that the BJP will soon have a new party president in place of J P Nadda and this may also make reshuffle inevitable.

Some of the allies, notably, the Ajit Pawar-led NCP and the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena want a full Cabinet position in the Modi government. With Bihar elections around the corner, any Cabinet reshuffle is also likely to see the induction of Bihar allies such as Upendra Kushwaha into the Union Cabinet. The PM even tinker with some key ministries and bring new faces, say some insiders. Normally, Modi undertakes major exercise only after a couple of years of being swearing-in-ceremony after the hustings. But he wants new talent with out-of-box thinking to take new initiatives in view of global challenges. There may be a couple of surprises in store.

Rudy’s Coup: Old Guard Floors New Order

The Constitution Club election in Delhi has set off ripples in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, unsettling the BJP’s Rajput vote bank. Rajiv Pratap Rudy’s emphatic win over former MP and ex-Union Minister Sanjeev Balyan was more than a club contest—it was seen as “old BJP” besting the “new order.” In Bihar, the fallout is sharper. Despite the NDA sweeping 31 Lok Sabha seats, not a single Rajput MP from Bihar—or even neighbouring Jharkhand—has been made a Union Minister. Rudy’s victory has made him a community icon, yet insiders say it has dimmed his own cabinet prospects. Talk of a Union cabinet expansion in the immediate future, where names like Radha Mohan Singh, Rudy, and Janardan Singh Sigriwal figured prominently, has fizzled out.

Sensing neglect, many Rajputs are drifting toward the Mahagathbandhan. The BJP high command is said to be weighing a “big offer” to soothe tempers. With caste equations already fragile and Rajput–Kushwaha tensions simmering, the NDA risks losing ground in nearly a third of Bihar if the resentment deepens. In neighbouring Uttar Pradesh, political tremors are no less. Speculation over attempts to “unseat” CM Yogi Adityanath has fuelled unease among Thakurs. Recently, 40 Rajput MLAs and MLCs—including BJP men, SP defectors and independents—met to float a new forum, “Kurumanch Parivar.” Though presented as social, its political undertone was evident. Yogi himself has added to the intrigue. He openly backed Rudy, a Bihar Thakur, over Balyan, UP’s own Rajput face. Days later, he met Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh after 31 months—a symbolic, politically loaded gesture.

The message is unmistakable: Rudy’s small Delhi win has triggered big caste calculations in Bihar and UP. For the BJP, placating restless Thakurs has become both urgent and unavoidable.

Rahul-Kharge Absence spoke louder than protest

On Independence Day, two of Congress’s tallest leaders—Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge—were missing from the Red Fort ceremony. Instead, they unfurled the tricolor at the party HQ, with Rahul’s rain-soaked pictures going viral. But their absence from the national stage handed the BJP a political bonus.

The buzz is that Rahul deliberately stayed away. Last year, as Leader of Opposition, he was pushed to the second-last row—seen in Congress circles as an “insult.” This time, he chose to avoid a repeat. But in doing so, Rahul and Kharge lost the chance to corner the government. Had they attended and been sidelined again, Congress could have turned it into a “double humiliation” narrative.

Instead, the optics now suggest Gandhi privilege—that they won’t settle for anything less than the front row. It is worth noting that Sonia Gandhi enjoys the front row privilege due to a 2004 protocol change, when the UPA government granted the status of “former Prime Minister’s spouse” to the widow of Rajiv Gandhi. In politics, missed moments hurt more than insults. And Congress just missed one.

Shringla’s Next Act: From Envoy to Hill Hope

Harsh Vardhan Shringla, India’s suave former foreign secretary, has traded diplomacy for politics with his nomination to the Rajya Sabha—widely seen as the BJP’s first step in grooming him for a bigger role. A son of Darjeeling, Shringla was once tipped to contest the 2024 Lok Sabha polls but lost out to sitting MP Raju Bista. Unlike most bureaucrats denied a ticket, he didn’t vanish. Instead, he kept his local connect alive—launching youth programmes, addressing tea garden livelihood issues, and setting up a UPSC coaching centre with the GTA.

In Delhi, his nomination is being read as the BJP’s plan to shape a 2029 candidate—one unburdened by the “Gorkhaland baggage” that shadows Bista. In the hills, it has rekindled hopes that long-pending promises—tribal status for 11 Gorkha groups and a “permanent political solution”—may finally get attention. PM Modi has hailed him as a “strategic thinker.” For now, Shringla enters Parliament as a nominated MP—but his political script is clearly unfinished, with Darjeeling as the launchpad.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai?

How China Chokes Fertilizers Supply to India

China has not only cut exports of critical minerals to India but has also sharply reduced fertiliser shipments, creating shortages for Indian farmers.

Official figures show that urea imports from China plunged to less than one lakh metric tonnes in 2024-25, compared to 18.65 lakh tonnes in 2023-24. This, even as India’s urea consumption rose from 357.80 lakh tonnes to 387.92 lakh tonnes, while domestic production slipped from 314.09 to 306.67 lakh tonnes. Overall urea imports also declined from 71.04 lakh tonnes to 56.46 lakh tonnes.

The story was similar for Di-Ammonium Phosphate (DAP). Chinese exports to India dropped from 22.28 lakh tons in 2023-24 to just 8.47 lakh tonnes in 2024-25. Meanwhile, India’s own DAP production fell from 43 lakh tonnes to 37.72 lakh tonnes, pushing down consumption from 109.72 to 96.29 lakh tonnes.

In a statement to the Rajya Sabha, the government acknowledged that India, being resource-scarce, cannot meet its fertilizer demand domestically and must rely on imports. Asked whether Beijing’s move was linked to geopolitics, the government pointed to China’s amended export rules — expanding the list of goods requiring mandatory inspection to include 29 fertiliser-related products, including DAP.

The squeeze, along with other supply pressures, prompted Prime Minister Narendra Modi to use his Independence Day address to call for atma-nirbharta (self-reliance) in fertiliser production and express concern over heavy import dependence.

India may bring the issue to the notice of the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to India beginning today.  

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

Pawar’s Mystery Men: The Ghosts Who Offered to ‘Fix’ Maha Polls

In a revelation that has set Delhi’s political corridors abuzz, NCP supremo Sharad Pawar has claimed that two unknown men approached him ahead of the Maharashtra Assembly elections with an audacious promise — “guaranteeing” the Opposition 160 out of 288 seats. Their pitch? They could “manage” the Electronic Voting Machines. The claim instantly evoked déjà vu from the run-up to the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, when a similar duo reportedly approached a senior Congress minister with an EVM-tweaking offer. The Congress spurned the bait, and the tale — whispered in political backrooms — suggested the pair then knocked on the BJP’s door. Nothing was proven as there were no allegations then, and the episode faded into the shadows.

Then came January 2019, when London hosted a bizarre press conference by self-proclaimed Indian cyber expert Syed Shuja, who alleged that the 2014 elections were “rigged” and linked the murders of Gopinath Munde and journalist Gauri Lankesh to an EVM conspiracy. Former Law Minister Kapil Sibal’s surprise presence embarrassed the Congress, which quickly distanced itself, even as it intensified its campaign against EVMs. Pawar, notably, stayed silent. 

Until now.

Pawar says he introduced the mysterious duo to Rahul Gandhi, but both leaders declined the “offer”, declaring, “This is not our way.” Intriguingly, Pawar claims he never kept their contact details — “I didn’t give importance to their claims.” Yet his disclosure dovetails neatly with Rahul’s recent “vote theft” charge and calls for an Election Commission probe. With Pawar confirming that the men met Rahul “at his instance”, the episode could now slip out of the political bazaar and into the realm of a criminal investigation. The only snag? The trail is as cold as the mystery men who walked in, made their pitch — and vanished.

Trump’s Tariffs on India: A Diplomatic Whodunit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not the first Indian leader to face turbulence with Washington. Nehru’s early warmth with the U.S. Cooled due to his fad for non-aligned policy and changed after the 1962 war with China. Indira Gandhi saw the frostiest spell in 1971 when Richard Nixon cold-shouldered India, prompting her to sign a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union. Sanctions followed her 1974 nuclear test, a fate Atal Bihari Vajpayee also faced after Pokhran-II in 1998. Manmohan Singh reversed the chill, riding on George W. Bush’s policy shift later to make India a strategic partner.

Modi built on that legacy. During Trump 1.0 (2016–2020), the rapport appeared genuine. Trump called Modi “my best friend” and basked in the spectacle of “Howdy, Modi.” Which is why Trump 2.0’s sudden decision to single out India with 50% tariffs feels puzzling.

Two incidents are whispered about in diplomatic circles. First, Modi’s quiet withdrawal from a planned handshake with Trump during the 2024 U.S. campaign, choosing strict neutrality. Second, India’s public dismissal of Trump’s claim — repeated over two dozen times — that he brokered the Indo-Pak ceasefire. New Delhi insisted no outsider played a role.

Why the shift from “best friends” to tariff target? Was it calculated policy, personal pique, or a deeper strategic signal? The answer is elusive. Unlike past Indo-U.S. spats rooted in defence or trade, this rupture carries no obvious economic logic. For now, it remains an unsolved puzzle in the annals of diplomacy — the kind where every theory sounds plausible, but the real reason stays locked behind closed doors in Washington.

Modi’s Gamble: Guarded, Not Goaded

In the theatre of global diplomacy, PM Modi is walking a fine line with U.S. President Donald Trump — a man known for blunt force and transactional politics. Despite Trump’s "unfair, unreasonable, and unjustified" trade rhetoric, New Delhi has pointedly refrained from retaliating with counter tariffs. This restraint isn't a weakness as the PM and his ministers are talking tough. It’s strategic calibration. Modi’s recent statement — “I am ready to pay a heavy personal price” — is a loaded one. It signals a willingness to withstand domestic criticism and short-term pain to secure long-term geopolitical gains. With Trump, Modi is quietly insulating India from future volatility. His outreach isn’t just government-to-government. It’s grassroots. Modi is carefully cultivating goodwill among Indian-Americans, tech CEOs, lawmakers, and thought leaders — building a constituency within the U.S. that transcends party lines and presidents.

Meanwhile, the RBI underscores India’s rising stature — contributing 18% to global growth compared to the U.S.’s 11%. Modi isn’t just asserting India’s economic role — he’s backing it with diplomatic weight. Invitations to President Putin, upcoming visits to China and Japan, Brazilian counterpart Lula da Silva callng Modi  — all while keeping the U.S. loop intact — show a leader not leaning on any one axis, but balancing many. This is not appeasement; it is avoidance of entanglement. Modi’s restraint with Trump, despite provocation, reveals a shrewd reading of power. He is betting that in the new world order, mature nations win by staying stable — not by swinging fists. And if that means he takes political bruises at home, so be it. In a world where Trump roars, Modi whispers — but every word is deliberate.

Amit Shah in Action, But Bihar Awaits Official Prabhari

The BJP’s long-tested poll playbook involves appointing a state Prabhari months before elections, ensuring the in-charge has time to stitch alliances, assess ground realities and iron out factional creases. Yet, in Bihar, the clock is ticking and no name has been announced for the crucial role—an unusual departure from tradition. Maharashtra's senior BJP leader Vinod Tawde is serving as Bihar in-charge as general secretary with MP Deepak Prakash as co-in-charge. But with Assembly elections looming in 2025, there is no Prabhari. The state unit’s new president, Dr. Dilip Kumar Jaiswal, is in place, and organisation secretary Bhikhubhai Dalsania is active, as is RSS Bihar-Jharkhand in-charge Nagendra. But the absence of a designated Prabhari has fuelled speculation.

Party insiders hint the delay is linked to larger organisational changes in the pipeline, possibly tied to the pending appointment of a new national president of the BJP. Meanwhile, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has been making frequent trips—even thrice a month—functioning as the party’s undeclared Bihar strategist. The suspense serves as a political sub-plot in itself. In Bihar’s high-stakes political theater, the identity of the eventual Prabhari could shape the script for 2025.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Amit Shah’s Expanding Role Sparks Buzz

There’s no official anointment yet, but within the BJP, one man seems to be running the show — Amit Shah, Union Home Minister, is steadily emerging as the de facto party chief, if not more. Shah has been criss-crossing states, holding closed-door meetings with party leaders and allies, firming up seat arrangements, troubleshooting local flare-ups, and recalibrating electoral strategies. His recent whirlwind tours — more intense than even JP Nadda’s — haven’t gone unnoticed. Shah is seen presiding over high-level meetings not just of the BJP, but also of NDA partners, stitching together the 2025-26 road map with clinical precision.

What has truly set the Delhi grapevine abuzz, though, is his Rajya Sabha appearance during the debate on Operation Sindoor. With the Prime Minister opting out, it was widely expected that Defense Minister and senior-most Cabinet member Rajnath Singh would step up and reply to the debate. Instead, it was Shah who rose to the occasion, delivering a forceful reply and signaling, perhaps, more than just parliamentary muscle.

While Modi remains unquestionably at the centre of the BJP’s solar system, Shah’s ever-expanding orbit has political observers wondering: is this groundwork for a future beyond 2029? Is the party quietly grooming Shah to inherit the mantle, bypassing the traditional order of succession? Officially, the BJP maintains business as usual. But in the corridors of power, the writing on the wall is being scrutinized — and it’s Amit Shah’s name that keeps coming up, in bold.

BJP vs BJP: Rudy's Fortress Breached — Balyan Mounts Insider Coup

After ruling the roost for over 25 years, BJP MP Rajeev Pratap Rudy finds his long-held post of Secretary (Administration) at the Constitution Club under threat — not from the Opposition, but his own party man, Sanjeev Balyan. The upcoming August 12 election has turned into a fierce BJP vs BJP turf war. What was once considered Rudy’s unchallenged domain has now become the battleground for a political shake-up. Balyan, the rustic former MP from Muzaffarnagar, surprised many by jumping into the fray — and stunned Rudy’s camp by securing open backing from BJP’s top leadership. Ministers and MPs are actively canvassing for him, a clear signal that the Establishment wants Rudy unseated.

Though Rudy is credited with transforming the Club into a 5-star hangout — complete with gym, spa, lounges, and a sprawling library — his grip appears to be slipping. Efforts by his supporters to make Balyan withdraw have failed. The Constitution Club, a prestigious institution with 1,200 odd eligible voters, includes members like Modi, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and Kharge. Yet, it's this internal BJP feud that has caught everyone’s eye. Rudy, once seen as unshakable, now faces an uphill battle to retain relevance. The luxury spa may still buzz with political gossip and massages, but beneath the calm, a storm is brewing — and it's coming from within the BJP itself. His citadel is cracking. And this time, the enemy wears the same colours.

BJP-Akali Reunion Buzz In the Air

The Ludhiana bypoll may not have changed political equations overnight, but it has certainly revived talk of a possible reunion between the BJP and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) — two estranged allies still nursing old wounds but eyeing a common adversary: AAP. While the AAP retained the seat comfortably with 35,179 votes, what caught political watchers' attention was the combined vote share of the BJP (20,323) and the Akalis (8,203). Together, they polled 28,526 votes — not too far behind AAP, and significantly more than the Congress’s 24,542. Fueling the speculation further were Sukhbir Badal’s carefully worded remarks. Asked about a patch-up with the BJP, the SAD chief said: “We are not thinking along those lines. Any alliance must be based on principles — the rights of farmers, minorities, Bandi Singhs, our river waters, and our claim over Chandigarh.” He didn’t slam the door — just left it ajar.

The bitterness runs deep. The Akalis remain furious at what they see as the BJP’s moves to undermine Sikh institutions — notably, the party’s control over the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. The rupture over the farm laws still lingers. But politics makes for strange reconciliations. With the Akalis declining and the BJP lacking a strong Punjabi face, a cold calculation may outweigh warm memories or past grievances. For both, the real prize is 2027 — and if defeating AAP requires swallowing pride, neither side may be unwilling. For now, the silence speaks volumes. The past may not be forgiven — but it may be negotiated. Interestingly, during the special discussion on Operation Sindoor in Parliament, SAD MP Harsimrat Kaur Badal flayed the Opposition, saying there was an “urgent need” to end the escalating tension with Pakistan.

Odisha’s Raj Bhavan Gets Wheels and Warmth

With courts clipping the wings of activist governors in opposition-ruled states like Bengal and Kerala, their counterparts in BJP-ruled states seem to be stretching theirs—gently, and in perfect sync. Take Odisha’s Hari Babu Kambhampati, for instance. Not for him the Raj Bhavan recliner. The man’s on a mission—armed with spreadsheets, smiles, and a road map to visit all 30 districts in a year. Having tasted power under a BJP regime for the first time, Odisha is now seeing a ‘double-engine’ governance drive—with the Governor riding shotgun. Kambhampati is busy touring districts, checking on Central schemes like Jal Jeevan Mission, PM Awas Yojana, Mudra and Atal Pension Yojana, and even the newly minted Surya Ghar Muft Bijli scheme. He’s meeting babus, netas, NGOs, and beneficiaries to gauge who’s getting what and where the pipes (or promises) are leaking.

But the real curveball? The Governor’s unscheduled pit stops at Chief Minister Mohan Majhi and Deputy CM KV Singh Deo’s private homes. No Raj Bhavan summoning, no formal photo-ops—just casual drop-ins. Raj Bhavan insists these were mere “courtesy calls”, but in Lutyens-speak, that usually translates to: “Yes, we’re all on the same WhatsApp group.” As the guardians of federalism recalibrate post court rap, Odisha’s Raj Bhavan seems to be pioneering a softer, savvier avatar—part watchdog, part cheerleader. And if the optics are anything to go by, Governor Kambhampati might just be Odisha BJP’s most affable campaigner in disguise.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Impeach Justice Varma: Govt to decide to bring motion in Rajya Sabha or Lok Sabha 

Verification of MPs signatures underway

Impeachment may spill over to Winter session of Parliament

Harish Gupta

Even as the opposition is readying its ammunition against the government during the Monsoon session of parliament on various issues, there is near unanimity between them with regard to impeaching Justice Yashwant Varma, a sitting judge of the high court, for his alleged involvement in a corruption case.

There is also unanimity that the motion to impeach Justice Varma be brought during the Monsoon session itself and passed in both houses of parliament. But there are two issues that the stake-holders are to decide; whether the motion be brought in the Rajya Sabha first or the Lok Sabha and then form a 3-member inquiry committee to probe the charges afresh and submit the report in a shortest time-frame.

It is likely that the Impeachment proceedings cannot be initiated against the said Judge in the Monsoon session and it may spill over to the Winter session of parliament, say sources. It is learnt that the Rajya Sabha secretariat has almost completed the task of verifying the signatures of 50 MPs on the impeachment motion and may be ready to be tabled in the first week of the session itself. The Opposition and the government are on the same page on the issue. Sanjay Raut of Shiv Sena (UBT) said that motion is to be brought in the Rajya Sabha. Though there are many in the government who are keen to complete the process within the 31-day session itself. But this is not possible as the report by a three-member committee of the Supreme Court against justice Yashwant Varma, will not be taken into account. The Parliament will have to rely on its own inquiry committee report.

Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla has also initiated the process and if at least 100 Lok Sabha MPs sign a notice to impeach justice Varma, the same may be taken up there also. Any of the two houses will form a panel comprising a Supreme Court judge, high court chief justice and an eminent jurist. 

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

How Yogi Crafting a National Image

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is steadily shaping his public persona beyond regional politics, aiming for a national leadership role. Central to this image-building spree is the upcoming biopic Ajey: The Untold Story of a Yogi, based on his life and inspired by the book The Monk Who Became Chief Minister by Shantanu Gupta. Slated for a release this year in five Indian languages—Hindi, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam—the film seeks to project Yogi as a symbol of discipline, sacrifice, and strong governance. Directed by Ravindra Gautam and starring Anant Joshi, the film emphasizes his spiritual journey and political rise from a village boy in Uttarakhand to the chief minister of India’s most populous state. With a high production value and a carefully curated cast, the film positions Yogi as a leader with pan-India appeal.

This cinematic venture is not occurring in isolation. It coincides with subtle political messaging and a growing portrayal of Yogi as a leader who blends Hindutva ideology with administrative toughness. His frequent comparisons to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in both governance style and rhetoric suggest he is being projected as a natural successor within the BJP’s power structure. In contrast to earlier political biopics like The Accidental Prime Minister or Emergency, which struggled commercially, Ajey appears more strategically timed and carefully constructed to influence public sentiment ahead of future elections. It is a calculated move to extend Yogi’s influence beyond Uttar Pradesh. With growing visibility in national media, calculated appearances, and now a biopic, Yogi Adityanath is clearly positioning himself for a broader role in Indian politics. Whether this image will resonate with the wider electorate remains uncertain, but the script for his national ambitions is already being written—both politically and cinematically.

Where there is PM, there is A Way

PM Modi hit upon a new scheme to resolve a long pending crisis which is considered a bureaucratic coup. The Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) under Modi untangling a knotty problem that’s haunted the government for decades. A new policy is set to engage hundreds of surplus technical staff—engineers and specialists may now be redeployed into non-technical roles, turning idle talent into a powerhouse of productivity.
The surplus technical personnel may be considered for redeployment against non-technical vacancies reported to the Central Surplus Cell. Modi’s decisive intervention has changed the game. However, this will apply to the non-Gazetted technical staff. The policy permits surplus technical staff to fill non-technical vacancies while respecting their qualifications and seniority. This ensures no employee is left idle, aligning with Modi’s “maximum governance, minimum government” vision. This move will accelerate redeployment for hundreds of technical staff.

For years, the central government has struggled to redeploy surplus employees, especially those with technical backgrounds. While non-technical surplus staff are redeployed relatively faster, their technical counterparts were left waiting for months or even years — due to limited availability of technical vacancies. This posed administrative challenges and they faced prolonged waiting periods for redeployment.

It is expected that this move will not only streamline the workforce but also significantly reduce idle salary expenditure and bring administrative efficiency and optimum human resource management. The under-utilized will now be given a chance to re-enter active service across departments.

Spa Diplomacy Blooms Near Parliament

Just a stone’s throw from Parliament’s daily drama, another kind of heat is being worked out — quite literally. At the Constitution Club of India’s swanky gym and spa, MPs across party lines are sweating it out over steam rooms, hot stone massages, and body-sculpting therapies. From BJP’s Kangana Ranaut pumping iron at the gym to TMC’s Mahua Moitra unwinding at the salon, and AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi slipping in for a spa detox, the list of regulars reads like a cross-party wellness alliance. “Inside Parliament, they’re all fire and fury. Here, it’s all zen and zen-like,” grinned a club insider.

The spa menu is nothing short of indulgent: organic almond oil massages, bamboo rubdowns, tummy-trim sessions, and body polishing therapies — priced between ₹2,000 and ₹5,000. Staff, discreet and five-star trained, are under strict orders: no name-dropping, no leaks. “The footfall triples during Parliament sessions. MPs come in with their spouses, especially on weekends,” says a spa attendant. “They may fight inside the House, but here they’re soaking in the same steam.”

The gym is off-limits to the public, reserved for MPs and their kin. But the salon-cum-spa? Open — as long as you’ve got an MP reference in hand. A senior Congress leader, who’s on the club’s governing council, admits: “The gym brings MPs and their families together. It’s good for both fitness and friendship.” The governing council comprises of all party members, after all. Turns out, the real detox this session may not be political — but personal.

India’s Manufacturing Mirage

For all the thunderous talk of "Make in India" and turning the country into a global manufacturing powerhouse replacing China, the ground reality in 2024–25 was sobering — only three foreign manufacturing companies established new operations in India. That’s not a typo. Just three. In 2025-26, the situation may surely improve. The number, tucked away in an official report with no press release or fanfare, has raised eyebrows across business circles and sparked quiet panic in government corridors. One senior BJP leader sheepishly admitted,“This is embarrassing.” Despite lavish investor summits, glossy brochures, and globe-trotting ministers pitching India as the next China, multinationals don’t seem to be buying the story. According to insiders, several big-ticket names — including a major South Korean electronics giant and a European auto parts firm — pulled out after long delays in land acquisition and unpredictable tax regimes.

Some companies complained of shifting goalposts and a lack of coordination between the Centre and state governments. “It’s like getting married into a chaotic family — nobody knows who’s in charge,” said a top executive whose company ultimately chose Vietnam over Gujarat. Meanwhile, domestic industry captains are watching nervously. “We can't just survive on service exports and slogans.” Though a total of 5228 foreign companies were registered in India as of March 2025, only 3286 are active. With global giants looking elsewhere, India’s bold manufacturing dream risks becoming just that — a dream. Bold steps are needed as Donald Trump wants manufacturing to shift to the USA.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the wall

Harish Gupta

RSS Returns to Vigyan Bhawan After 7 Years

After a seven-year pause, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is set to relaunch its marquee public lecture series at Delhi’s Vigyan Bhawan later this year—marking a renewed outreach drive in its centenary year. Tentatively scheduled for late August or early September, the three-day event will be led by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. It signals the Sangh’s intent to re-engage with a wider cross-section of society—beyond its shakhas and ideological circles—at a time of shifting political winds.

The last such series, held in September 2018, was a watershed moment. It was the first time in over four decades that an RSS Sarsanghchalak addressed a mainstream public gathering of such scale. Over 1,500 people attended daily, including industrialists, film personalities, diplomats, academics, judges, and retired bureaucrats. Bhagwat spoke solo on the first two days; on the third, he fielded pre-submitted, anonymous questions—about 220 in all—carefully sorted by theme and selectively answered. It was an unusual moment of openness for the otherwise inward-looking organization.

Before that, the last comparable event was in 1974, when then-chief M.D. Deoras addressed Pune’s Vasant Vyakhyanmala lecture series, famously declaring untouchability a “sin”—a landmark moment in the Sangh’s evolution on social issues. With this year’s lecture series, the RSS is expected to sharpen its messaging, project ideological clarity, and expand its cultural and intellectual imprint—right from the heart of Lutyens’ Delhi. In its centenary moment, the Sangh appears poised not just to reflect, but to reposition itself for the battles—political, ideological, and societal—that lie ahead.

Kejriwal Eyes Gujarat to dislodge Congress

After months of silence, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal has re-emerged on the national stage with a sharp focus on Gujarat. Buoyed by Gopal Italia’s bypoll victory in Visavadar, Kejriwal is looking to make the state his second political home — aiming to push AAP as the BJP’s principal challenger. Kejriwal’s gambit is built on the steady erosion of the Congress. The grand old party has been in free fall since 2017 — its tally dropping from 77 to 17 seats in 2022. Five Congress MLAs have since defected to the BJP. Even its symbolic face in Gujarat, Shaktisinh Gohil, resigned as state chief taking moral responsibility for the latest loss.

AAP, which entered Gujarat politics through local body wins in Surat in 2021, sees a growing vacuum. “Visavadar is the semi-final; 2027 will be ours,” declared AAP’s Gujarat president Isudan Gadhvi. Rahul Gandhi’s revival drive — Sangathan Srijan Abhiyan — has faltered, with nearly 40% of local-level recommendations being overruled by the high command, deepening factionalism.

But AAP’s own journey isn’t without baggage. Italia, a prominent face of the movement alongside Hardik Patel, faces legal cases. Skeptics recall how Patel too had once joined Congress, only to shift to the BJP within two years. Despite past third fronts failing in Gujarat, Kejriwal is betting big — hoping his governance plank and outsider image can break the BJP-Congress binary. As he plants deeper political roots in the state, Gujarat may well become AAP’s next big laboratory after Delhi and Punjab.

Nitish's bluster: Bihar FDI Flow in 5 years?Just $216 million

The Nitish Kumar government has been beating the drum about its governance and it is collapsing one by one; be it law and order, schemes and even education. Look at the industrial development and growth under his regime in Bihar now! Nitish Kumar even traveled abroad to attract Foreign Direct Investment in the state. Even other NDA leaders are also beating behind the bush about the industrial growth in the state. But one will stop breathing for a moment if he or she learns how much FDI and other foreign exchange remittances Bihar attracted during 2023-24. Merely 1.3% ! According to India’s Balance of Payments data of the RBI, the gross inward remittances to India stood at US Dollar (USD) 118.7 billion. The Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) survey on remittances for the year 2023-24 shows that the share of Bihar in India's inward remittances was 1.3 per cent.

Total FDI inflow includes equity inflow, equity capital of unincorporated bodies, reinvested earnings, and other capital. The cumulative FDI equity inflow over the period October 2019 to December, 2024, into Bihar is USD 215.76 million. One can assume how much investment came to Bihar and how much industrial growth could have taken place. Interestingly, this data was shared by the government officially while responding to a parliamentary question recently. It is said that foreign investments contribute to the State-level development by improving the competitiveness of the recipient sectors. FDI inflow results in enhanced economic activity through the transfer of capital, technical know-how and skills.

BJP in a Bind Over 'Socialist' and 'Secular' Labels

RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale’s recent call to review the Emergency-era inclusion of the words ‘socialist’ and ‘secular’ in the Preamble of the Constitution has found ready backing from several BJP leaders — but also spotlighted an awkward contradiction. While many in the BJP have echoed Hosabale’s ideological pitch, the party’s own constitution mandates allegiance to the very principles it now seeks to revisit. Article II of the BJP constitution states that the party shall bear “true faith and allegiance to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy.” It’s a clause that top leaders seem to have overlooked in their rush to back the RSS line.

In order to reconcile this, the BJP has long pushed its own definitions — including a concept of ‘Positive Secularism’ as stated in Article IV of its constitution, defined as Sarva Dharma Samabhava, or equal respect for all religions. But this semantic juggling hasn't resolved the core ideological tension. But Hosabale’s remarks go beyond just the two words. He also flagged other provisions of the 42nd Amendment, like the transfer of five subjects — including education and forests — from the State List to the Concurrent List. Several states may welcome any move to reverse that centralisation. Still, any such review faces serious hurdles- political & legal.

The Supreme Court has already upheld the 42nd Amendment, and key NDA allies like the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) have publicly opposed tampering with the Preamble. Unless Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Home Minister Amit Shah break their silence, the debate is likely to remain within Sangh circles — and among those close to Nagpur. For now, the BJP must reckon with one irony: before altering the nation’s charter, it may need to revisit its own.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Nagpur’s Nudge, Delhi’s Dilemma

In a move loaded with ideological significance but limited immediate political feasibility, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale has called for a review of the words “secular” and “socialist” in the Preamble of the Constitution — terms inserted through the controversial 42nd Amendment during the Emergency in 1976. Speaking as the country marked 50 years since the imposition of the Emergency, Hosabale framed the additions as “non-original” insertions that altered the spirit of the Constitution envisaged by Dr B.R. Ambedkar. “The Preamble is meant to be eternal. Should socialism be eternal for India?” he asked, nudging the political class — particularly the BJP — toward a deeper ideological reckoning.

But translating that nudge into action is easier said than done. The BJP, despite leading the ruling NDA coalition, lacks the two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament required to amend the Constitution. Even with its allies, the numbers don’t add up — neither in the Lok Sabha nor in the Rajya Sabha. Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, several BJP leaders, including Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Jitendra Singh, quickly endorsed the RSS’s position. Yet, for all of Nagpur’s clarity, Delhi’s arithmetic remains the stumbling block. The party’s more moderate coalition partners in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh — firmly rooted in “secular and socialist” traditions — are already uneasy with such ideological adventurism. As the RSS raises fundamental questions about constitutional permanence, the Modi government faces a classic dilemma: how far to follow the ideological compass without capsizing the coalition boat. The signal from Nagpur is unmistakable — but Delhi, for now, is counting votes, not rewriting texts.

Nitish: ‘Face’ of NDA, Not the Future?

As Bihar heads for assembly polls later this year, the JD(U) finds itself grappling with growing uncertainty over its leader Nitish Kumar’s future—even as the BJP-led NDA insists he remains the alliance’s face for now. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during three visits to Bihar, praised Nitish but never once declared he would be Chief Minister after the elections. Union Home Minister Amit Shah muddied the waters further in an interview, saying: “Only time will decide who will be CM… but we are fighting under Nitish Kumar.” That pause before the comma has JD(U) worried.

The BJP’s dance of ambiguity has only intensified speculation. Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary called Nitish the alliance’s leader, but Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini publicly projected Choudhary as the NDA's rising star in Bihar. This prompted JD(U) to retaliate with a large banner at its Patna headquarters: ‘25 se 30, phir se Nitish’ (Nitish again, from 2025 to 2030). JD(U) spokespersons have been forced into damage control. “He is the CM face. He will lead the government again,” said Rajiv Ranjan Prasad. But BJP’s wariness isn’t without reason. Nitish Kumar has crossed ideological bridges multiple times—snapping ties with the BJP in 2013, returning in 2017, switching to the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan in 2022, and finally rejoining the NDA in 2024 to become CM for the ninth time. So, will he be CM again? Officially, yes. Politically, it’s anyone’s guess. The NDA’s stance seems to be: win with Nitish, decide later.

BJP’s Desperate Bid to Win Dalit Votes

Reeling from its setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP is making a visible, and some say desperate, push to woo Dalit voters. The party’s declining tally was partly attributed to the Opposition’s successful narrative that the Constitution—and by extension, Dalit rights—was under threat. The impact has been enough to force a symbolic reshuffle within the BJP's own power corridors. Ambedkar’s portraits now dominate the walls of BJP offices, often replacing those of Sangh icons like Deendayal Upadhyaya and Syama Prasad Mookerjee. The repositioning is deliberate—to ensure Ambedkar’s image is in every photo frame when ministers and leaders are captured on camera.

The urgency was compounded by the recent controversy in Parliament, when Home Minister Amit Shah’s sarcastic remark on repeated invocations of Ambedkar drew massive backlash. The Opposition capitalised, launching protests with slogans like “Babasaheb Ka Apmaan Nahin Sahega Hindustan”, filing privilege motions, and reviving the “Constitution under threat” campaign. A physical altercation outside Parliament added fuel to the fire. This isn’t the first time BJP has fumbled on Dalit issues. From the 2016 Rohith Vemula suicide and the Una flogging incident, to Bhima Koregaon violence and the SC/ST Act rollback of 2018—the party has often had to scramble for damage control.

Despite appointing Dalit leaders like Ram Nath Kovind as President and increasing Dalit representation in Parliament, the BJP continues to face a trust deficit. With Dalits forming nearly 17% of India’s population, the political cost of alienation is high. Now, with elections in other states on the horizon, the BJP seems determined to pull Dalits deeper into its Hindutva fold. But whether these optics translate into trust—and votes—remains to be seen.

Modi’s Favourite Tharoor Alarms Congress

Shashi Tharoor was in Russia, but the tremors were being felt in Delhi — mostly inside the Congress party’s already fragile emotional landscape. Officially, Tharoor was on a private visit to promote a documentary based on his bestselling book Inglorious Empire. But unofficially? He met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, briefing Moscow’s top leadership on Operation Sindoor, terrorism, and even chatted up BRICS diplomacy. All without holding any government post. Or BJP membership. Or a green signal from his own party.

While Congress leaders grumble about indiscipline, the BJP gets free foreign-policy branding — courtesy of Tharoor’s global glow. He’s enjoying the perks of diplomacy, the freedom of the backbench, and the applause of both Moscow and Twitter. Is he India’s most useful unofficial envoy? Or just the Congress’s most inconvenient MP? Either way, Tharoor’s having fun. Congress is stuck on damage control. And Modi? He’s still smiling.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Justice Varma Impeachment Gamble Faces Legal hurdle

The government’s plan to bring an impeachment motion in the Monsoon session against Allahabad High Court judge Justice Yashwant Varma over alleged corruption may hit a legal roadblock. Legal luminaries advising the government feel that adherence to due process mandated by the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 cannot be pushed under the carpet. Under the Act, once an impeachment motion is admitted in either House of Parliament, the Speaker or the Chairman must constitute a three-member committee comprising of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) or a Supreme Court judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist to probe the allegations. However, the government argues that an in-house committee, set up by then CJI Khanna, has already submitted its findings. Therefore, there is no need to set up a new committee. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was of the same opinion. But he was guarded, “We will take a call on how to integrate it with the current process.”

Legal experts say that in Justice Soumitra Sen and V Ramaswamy cases, the government had formed a fresh committee under the 1968 Act, despite in-house inquiries set up by the then CJIs. The key constitutional question is: Can the Speaker or Chairman ignore the clear mandate of the Judges (Inquiry) Act and proceed without forming the statutory committee? It would be interesting to mention that the Inquiry Committee constituted to investigate the allegations against Justice Soumitra Sen took approximately 18 months to complete its probe. In V Ramaswamy case also, the inquiry committee took time to submit its report. It is due to this very reason that several leading lawyers have urged Justice Varma to resign to avoid the ignominy of impeachment. But Varma is not ready to quit and the government is keen to send his packing as soon as possible.

A New Experiment in CBI

In a quiet but significant shift, the Modi government has turned the CBI into a testing ground for lateral talent—bringing in officers from non-police services to lead investigations traditionally handled by the IPS. The latest to join is Kamal Singh Chaudhary, a 2012-batch Indian Defence Accounts Service (IDAS) officer, appointed as Superintendent of Police (SP). He is the first from his service to enter the CBI. His background in defence audits and financial oversight is seen as a key asset in the agency’s fight against white-collar crime. Along with him, five Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officers from the 2014 and 2016 batches have been inducted as SPs—part of a growing trend of non-IPS entries into the country’s premier probe agency. A March order from the Department of Personnel & Training (DoPT), which controls CBI appointments, approved six new SPs—four from outside the IPS, including from IRS, IDAS, and Indian Telecom Service (ITS). 

While the CBI is legally a “police station,” the government has notified these officers with full police powers under the CrPC and the new Bhartiya Nyaya Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), allowing them to arrest, investigate, and carry arms. The move has stirred debate. While some in the IPS cadre see it as dilution, others say the CBI needs domain experts to tackle the increasingly complex landscape of financial frauds. The practice has picked up since 2014, beginning with IRS officer Sanjiv Gautam’s appointment as DIG, followed by several similar deputations. Officials say it’s a conscious policy shift: as the nature of crime evolves, so must the composition of India’s top investigating agency.

Cake, Clicks & Coaches: Nitish’s Metro Mirage

This August 15, Patna will unveil its newest ornament — a 6.1-km, five-station metro line, flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Touted as Bihar’s leap into modernity, it’s more a leap into electoral theater. With polls looming, metros are popping up like poll pamphlets — Muzaffarpur, Gaya, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga — one line at a time, logic be damned. At Rs 13,000 crore, Patna’s mini-metro raises the big question: is this public transport or a taxpayer-funded photo-op?

History warns us. A 2022 parliamentary report showed how Indian metros are graveyards of inflated promises. Bengaluru needed 1.8 million daily riders to break even, got 96,000. Hyderabad needed 1.9 million, got 65,000. Even bigger networks flopped. Poor planning, zero last-mile links, and fantasy projections sank them. Yet Bihar charges ahead. Why? Because metros look good. “They show progress,” says a BJP leader. Experts disagree — “Vanity projects,” sniffs urban planner Sharad Saxena. “They don’t pay, can’t charge more, and live off bailouts.”

To cover losses, some metros now moonlight — coaches rented for birthdays and wedding shoots. Confetti travels better than commuters, it seems. Patna’s metro may gleam on Day One. But five stations with no real connectivity? It’s a ribbon-cutting reel in search of passengers. Even the mighty Delhi Metro posted a net loss since 2002, despite fancy numbers (Rs 6,645 crore revenue 2022-23) and Japanese loans. If the capital can’t make it work, what chance does Patna have? But in an election year, optics > outcomes. Nitish’s metro may not move people, but it sure moves the camera.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan: Still Waiting for the Big Move

Union Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development Shivraj Singh Chouhan is patiently waiting in Delhi—for a “big role” that was reportedly promised to him. Despite leading the BJP to a strong win in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Chouhan was sidelined soon after. His quiet exit from state politics came when he was arguably at the peak of his career, having served as the longest-serving chief minister of the state. Now in the national spotlight, speculation is rife about his next move. Sources say the RSS is keen to see Chouhan replace J.P. Nadda as the BJP's national president. However, the current leadership seems to have other preferences, reportedly favouring leaders like Manohar Lal Khattar for the top organisational post.

Meanwhile, Chouhan has embraced his ministerial role with visible enthusiasm. From Odisha to Gujarat, he has been crisscrossing the country, launching government programmes and reinforcing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development agenda. At a recent event in Puri, he evoked Lal Bahadur Shastri’s iconic slogan—“Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan”—to highlight the government's twin focus on national security and agriculture. He also spoke at length about Modi’s vision of a “Viksit Bharat, Samriddh Bharat” and praised the contribution of farmers and soldiers in nation-building. Chouhan’s tone is consistently loyal, his praise for Modi unmistakable. Yet beneath the surface, his wait for a larger role continues. The question remains: will the BJP’s seasoned “kisan neta” be brought back to centre stage—or kept waiting in the wings?

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly On the Wall

Harish Gupta

Shah-Yogi Bonhomie Sparks Buzz in BJP

In a move that has set political circles abuzz, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union Home Minister Amit Shah displayed rare warmth at a state-level function in Lucknow — fuelling speculation of a tactical reset between the two BJP heavyweights. On June 9, Yogi flew to Delhi to personally invite Shah as chief guest for a high-profile event in Lucknow — a first in his eight-year tenure. Shah obliged, and on June 15 handed out appointment letters to 60,244 newly recruited UP Police constables. This was more than just a ceremonial presence. This sudden display of camaraderie comes against the backdrop of long-running speculation about tensions between the two leaders. For years, the BJP grapevine has been thick with talk of a cold war — stories of Delhi’s discomfort with Yogi’s growing stature, his reluctance to clear key appointments with the Centre, and his five-year delay in appointing a full-time DGP only deepened that perception. The stories of mutual mistrust and discomfort have been endless.

Many attribute this friction to the fact that both Shah and Yogi are seen as strong contenders in a post-Modi BJP. Their perceived rivalry, fuelled by ideological differences and contrasting political styles, has been a constant source of chatter. Until now, their appearances together were largely limited to Union Home Ministry-organised events — like the forensic institute foundation stone ceremony and the All-India DGPs’ meet. But this time, the initiative came from Lucknow, not Delhi. Whether this is a temporary optics exercise or a deeper realignment remains to be seen. But one thing is clear — the Shah-Yogi moment has reset the narrative and injected fresh intrigue into the BJP’s future power dynamics. It is also whispered that the development came after Yogi was nudged by the top leadership to fall in line.

From Jantar Mantar to Chandigarh Bungalows

Remember the good old days when Satyendar Jain along with his mentor Arvind Kejriwal,  stormed Delhi politics armed only with idealism—and the odd whistle stop rally? Fast-forward to today, and our once-on-a-mission maverick is quietly running Punjab’s health show…from his swanky government bungalow in Chandigarh. Yes, that’s right: the very same man who famously duelled with bureaucratic red tape in Delhi is now pulling strings in Punjab’s Health Department—no scalpel needed. His former “Officer on Special Duty,” Shaleen Mitra, has even decamped north to join him, suggesting this isn’t just a weekend hobby. But Jain isn’t alone in his Punjabi escapade. Delhi’s ex-Deputy CM, Manish Sisodia, long champion of free textbooks, has slipped into an advisory role in Punjab’s Education Department. And who could forget Reena Gupta—once sparring verbally with Kejriwal’s critics—is now bossing around the state’s Pollution Control Board.

It’s like a political exchange program in reverse: Delhi’s brain trust setting up shop amidst Punjab’s lassi-loving heartland. Jasmine Shah, erstwhile vice chair of Delhi’s Dialogue Commission, is now the “lead governance fellow” (fancy!) in Punjab’s IT wing. Meanwhile, Kamal Bansal has swapped pilgrimage panel meetings in Delhi for Tirth Yatra Samiti chairmanship in Punjab—holy detours, indeed! Insiders whisper there are at least ten government flats in Chandigarh now occupied by these Delhi imports, who’ve brought their own brand of “principled” bureaucracy. Critics chuckle that, once fighting the system, they’re now…the system. But hey, if you can’t beat ’em, send in your most devoted ex-crusaders to run the show—bungalow style.

BJP Flexes Muscles in Bihar Post-Op Sindoor

Unruffled by global tensions, India’s political spotlight is firmly on domestic turf — and the BJP is wasting no time asserting dominance within the NDA fold ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls due in October-November. Buoyed by its post-Operation Sindoor confidence, the BJP is flexing its muscles in seat-sharing talks, especially with the JD(U). Citing the JD(U)’s underwhelming performance in the 2020 Assembly elections — where it contested 115 seats and won only 43 — the BJP is likely to offer it just 90–95 seats this time. In contrast, the BJP contested 110 seats and secured 74 in 2020. While the BJP plans to field candidates in around 102–105 constituencies — slightly fewer than last time — it’s doing so from a position of strength. The party has assured Nitish Kumar that he will remain the chief ministerial face, but is making it clear that this guarantee doesn't automatically translate into a bigger seat share for the JD(U). Internal constituency-wise winnability surveys are guiding the BJP's strategy.

The LJP (Ram Vilas), which contested 134 seats in 2020 but didn’t win a single one, is back in the NDA and eyeing 30 seats. However, the BJP is expected to offer only 20–25. The LJP’s 2020 mission — to undercut Nitish Kumar — was achieved, and it’s now being recalibrated for coalition arithmetic. With the Vikasheel Insaan Party (VIP) no longer part of the NDA, the 18 seats it previously contested will be redistributed among other allies, including the Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM) led by Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha’s RLM, and potential new entrants. The BJP, it seems, is drawing the map — and setting the terms.

(The item below is subject to availability of space)

Forgotten Neighbourhood

Tailpiece: In a global diplomatic campaign, India dispatched seven multi-party delegations to 33 countries to expose Pakistan’s role in abetting terrorism. Curiously, none were sent to its immediate neighbours — Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan. This omission has left experts questioning the sincerity of the “Neighbourhood First” policy, long touted as a cornerstone of the NDA government’s foreign strategy. Insiders in South Block claim the reason is “more than obvious,” hinting at underlying regional tensions. While the world was briefed, India’s closest neighbours were left out — a telling silence from a government that once promised regional primacy.