Fly on the Wall The Rising Tide of Pre-Poll Cash Doles Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on record to say that the central government can't help the states which empty their treasuries after making unrealistic election promises. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman disapproved of political parties lining up promises of freebies ahead of elections in a TV program last month and said such recklessness in dealing with public finances is discouraged. However, the BJP is winning one election after the other riding on the back of Direct Cash Transfers into the accounts of women, youth and other targeted voters. It won Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi Assembly polls riding on these cash transfer doles. Come to Bihar as it heads into elections, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has opened the floodgates of welfare spending, targeting women and youth with schemes designed for votes. Nitish's doles will cost more than Rs 40000 crores a year, a whopping 66% of its resources. The other day, the Prime Minister transferred Rs 10000 each into the accounts of 75 lakh women totaling Rs 7500 crores on the spot under the self-help scheme. Eventually, more than 1.25 crore women could receive up to Rs 2 lakh each after assessment. It first began with the traditional farm loan waiver schemes in the 80s in “farm belt” states, or the promise of free rations under the public distribution system by late PM Indira Gandhi. In recent years, however, election eve in India has come to mean direct cash transfers, unemployment allowances, monthly stipends etc. Since 2014, nine states announced farm loan waivers totaling about Rs 2.53 lakh crore, but only about 50% of the 3.7 crore eligible farmers had actually benefited by March 2022. In Delhi, with about 71 lakh women voters among the 1.5 crore electorate, the BJP walked away by pledging Rs 2,500/month, plus other perks. These doles are expensive. A study showed among 21 state governments that announced waivers right before state polls, only 4 lost. Most reaped electoral gain. ED Probe Rekindles Rahul’s Citizenship? The debate over Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship has resurfaced, this time with the Enforcement Directorate (ED) entering the picture. The controversy is not new. Years ago, a petition was filed against Sonia Gandhi’s name being included in the voters’ list, alleging she was not an Indian citizen at the time. That petition was dismissed by the court. Rahul Gandhi’s case, however, remains pending before the Allahabad High Court. BJP worker Sanghnesh Mishra has alleged that Rahul holds British citizenship and has demanded that his Indian citizenship be revoked. The case took an unexpected turn when the ED summoned Mishra on September 9. This raised eyebrows and prompted speculation about whether the agency is now gathering evidence in the matter of Rahul’s citizenship. Officially, the ED has maintained that its inquiry relates to possible violations of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). According to Mishra, Rahul obtained British citizenship to facilitate business activities abroad. He has claimed to possess documents from London, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan that allegedly support his contention. The ED is said to be collecting information about Rahul’s overseas businesses, sources of income, and bank accounts. What exactly Mishra told the agency has not been disclosed. But the very fact that the ED has stepped in has given new momentum to a controversy that has lingered for years. It remains to be seen whether this inquiry will remain a financial probe or evolve into something much larger around Rahul Gandhi’s political identity. Tejashwi Charts "No Family" Course A silent but bitter feud is playing out within the RJD’s first family. After elder son Tej Pratap Yadav was sidelined from both party and household, now Lalu Prasad Yadav’s elder daughter-in-law Aishwarya Rai is visibly unhappy. At the heart of both episodes is one man—Sanjay Yadav, Tejaswi's chief strategist. Sanjay, a Haryana native, has become indispensable to Tejashwi. Insiders say he has designed a party structure where even Lalu’s authority is waning. In the RJD’s heydays, workers bowed before the “Panch Devta”—Lalu, Rabri, Tejashwi, Tej Pratap and Misa Bharti. Rohini Acharya is the new entrant in the game.  Today, the party functions under a new monotheism: Sanjay’s word, and by extension, Tejaswi's will. The strategy is clear. Only one member of the Yadav family will contest elections—Tejashwi himself. His Raghopur assembly seat remains his stronghold. When Tej Pratap resisted, he was denied even a meeting with his younger brother and shown the door. Aishwarya, who narrowly lost the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Saran, was being considered again by Lalu. But Sanjay vetoed it, arguing that too many family contestants would reinforce charges of dynasty. The hidden calculation: prevent any sibling or in-law from emerging as a potential challenger. There is also a contingency angle. Tejashwi faces corruption cases. If convicted, and if his siblings hold legislative office, one of them could automatically rise to leadership. By keeping all siblings out, Tejashwi ensures no rival centre of power develops. For the first time, Tejashwi is trying to chalk out his own course in the party—separate from his father’s patronage and family’s compulsions. He wants RJD to rally behind him alone, not around the wider clan. In doing so, he risks alienating siblings, but also secures undisputed command over the party’s future. tailpiece:  The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana was announced by Bihar CM Nitish Kumar. But when it came to launching, it was PM Modi who released Rs 7500 crores to 75 lakh women accounts. This is perhaps the first time that a welfare scheme in the name of a CM is released by a PM in his presence. The Bihar polls will be fought in the name of Mahila, Mandir and Modi - no mention of  Nitish Kumar by the BJP. Is a new script being written before the polls itself?   

Farooq Abdullah may go to RS, Ghulam Nabi hopes rest on BJP With Rajya Sabha elections for four seats in Jammu and Kashmir set to take place, the National Conference-led coalition is likely to field its senior-most leader Farooq Abdullah. The NC -led coalition is likely to win three seats easily and deliberations are on for picking up candidates for two other seats. In addition to Farooq Abdullah, one more candidate from the Kashmir Valley may be picked up while the third candidate could be from the Jammu region. Two former ministers from the Jammu region, Ajay Sadhotra and Sajad Ahmed Kichloo, as well as provincial president Jammu Rattan Lal Gupta, are hopeful of securing the party's mandate, per sources. The Congress is reported to have asked for one Rajya Sabha seat out of three seats as it is part of the alliance but not joined the Omar Abdullah Cabinet. It is yet to be seen if the Congress will be obliged by the National Conference. The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats as it has 28 MLAs and will need one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and one MLA each of the PDP, AAP and PC or manage cross-voting in the ruling alliance. It is to be seen if the BJP will oblige Ghulam Nabi Azad or pick up its own party's old loyalist. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, there will be an interesting contest for the fourth seat.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group BJP may spring a surprise for the 4th RS seat in J&K The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats that will go to polls on October 24 in Jammu & Kashmir. This is despite the fact that the ruling dispensation in J&K and anti-BJP forces have a clear edge to win all the four seats. The alliance is confident of winning three seats on its own and capturing the 4th seat if all non-BJP parties come together. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, the alliance has the edge. The J&K Assembly has 88 sitting members as two seats (Bigam and Nagrota) are vacant. Therefore, a candidate needs 45 seats to win an election. The Omar Abdullah led alliance enjoys the support of 53 legislators. This includes NC (41), Congress (6), CPM (1) and five Independents. The BJP has 28 MLAs while the PDP has three, People’s Conference and Aam Aadmi Party one each and two Independents who are unattached. But the election will take an interesting turn when the poll for the two seats will take place together and each candidate will need a minimum of 29 votes. The BJP, with its 28 MLAs, will need at least one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and any of the MLAs of the PDP, AAP or ensure cross-voting in the ruling alliance. The NC-Congress combine will be left with 24 surplus votes for the second seat and would need five votes extra to secure a victory over BJP's 28 votes and bank on the PDP (3), AAP (1), PC (1), and two unattached Independents. The BJP will obviously make all the efforts to win the fourth seat in J&K to send a right signal. -

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Maharashtra Ports Major Narcotics Hub After Gujarat

With 21% of drugs seized nationwide, Mumbai’s JNPA and Raigarh emerge as key smuggling hot spots

Maharashtra’s ports have become the second-largest gateway for narcotic smuggling into India, trailing only Gujarat. According to data made available, drug seizures worth over Rs 2,367 crore were recorded at Jawaharlal Nehru Port Authority (JNPA), Mumbai and Raigarh Container Freight Station between 2020 and 2024, accounting for 20.9% of the national total.

Maharashtra’s rising role is evident from repeated interceptions at JNPA—191 kg of heroin in 2020 and 294 kg in 2021 while jumping in 2022 with heroin, methamphetamine and cocaine. A smaller 29 kg heroin seizure at Raigarh that year reinforced the state’s vulnerability.

Gujarat ports, led by Mundra and Gandhidham, accounted for nearly 65% of narcotics seized, valued at more than Rs 7,300 crore. A single 2,988 kg heroin haul at Mundra in 2021 underlined the state’s emergence as the main entry point for global drug cartels.

Beyond these, Tamil Nadu’s Tuticorin port recorded a cocaine seizure worth Rs 1515 crore in 2021, making it the third major hot spot. In contrast, West Bengal’s Kolkata port reported drugs worth only Rs 78 crore, just 0.7% of the total.

Overall, Gujarat and Maharashtra together accounted for more than 85% of port-based drug seizures. Tamil Nadu followed with 13.4%, while West Bengal remained negligible.

Official data noted that no seizures were recorded at Visakhapatnam, Cochin, Chennai, Mangalore, Paradip, Kandla, or Port Blair in the last five years. However, this does not imply these ports are free from trafficking; it may reflect limited detection or trafficker’s reliance on high-volume western gateways.

It is said that Concentration of seizures in Gujarat and Maharashtra reflects cargo volumes and proximity to global routes. With most cases still under trial, the real challenge remains dismantling the networks behind these consignments.

Drug Seizures at Indian Ports (2020–2024)
State	2020-2024 - Quantity (KG)		Total Value #
Gujarat	3407	94.19 Lakh*	7,350
Maharashtra	1214		2,367
Tamil Nadu	303		1,515
West Bengal	39	1000**	78
Total	4963		11,310
* Tablets, **Injections, #Cr. INR

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Babus Told to Meet ‘Shady’ Folks — And They're Not Amused

In what’s being dubbed the “Open Door, Closed Eyes” policy, Cabinet Secretary Dr. T.V. Somanathan has issued a circular that’s left Delhi’s bureaucratic circles in a cold sweat. His message to all secretaries? Be more accessible. And no, not just to stakeholders or academics—but even to contractors, trade unionists, and yes, people under investigation. 

"Don’t judge a book by its FIR,” seems to be the new mantra. The letter encourages babus to engage with all kinds of “non-officials” to gain insights, correct policy misperceptions, and welcome fresh ideas. But there’s a catch: meetings must take place in government offices, not five-star lobbies or golf club lounges. And preferably with a witness—er, colleague—present.

Naturally, the bureaucracy is rattled. “What next? High tea with hawala suspects or liaison queens ?” quipped a senior officer. Many see this as a recipe for administrative indigestion. The fear is simple: one photo, one leak, one dodgy visitor—and poof, the career goes up in smoke. Whispers suggest this letter couldn’t have been penned without a quiet nod from the top. After all, no Cabinet Secretary wakes up one day and asks babus to fraternise with the under-investigation crowd on their own. So now, India's steel frame faces a curious dilemma: serve the people, but don’t get served (with a notice). One thing’s clear—the next time someone shady shows up at a sarkari doorstep, the tea may be hot, but the tension will be ice cold.

From Reels to Deals: ED Nabs Instagram Liaison Queen

Power-brokers never die in India—they just reinvent themselves. If the 2000s had Niira Radia, the Instagram era seems to have thrown up Sandeepa Virk, a Chandigarh-based influencer with over a million followers who is now in the Enforcement Directorate’s net. Behind the gloss of selfies and fashion reels, Virk allegedly operated as a liaison woman, striking deals in the shadows. The ED says she was in constant touch with a top executive of the Anil Ambani -owned Reliance Group, and promised to “manage” things in Delhi’s power corridors.

Her brand, Hyboocare, projected itself as a global beauty startup, even claiming FDA approvals. But investigators allege it was little more than a front for fraud. A Punjab Police case accuses Virk of impersonating enforcement officers and duping a woman of ₹6 crore on the pretext of a film project. She allegedly amassed crores in assets despite reporting meagre income. In her interrogation, sources say, Virk even dropped names of top ED officials, claiming she worked for them. Whether bluster or truth, the revelation has rattled corridors of power.

Her arrest comes as the ED intensifies its probe into Anil Ambani and companies linked to him, in connection with diversion of loans worth thousands of crores. Sethuraman, a key Reliance insider, was recently raided for alleged fund diversion from Reliance Capital and Reliance Commercial Finance Ltd. Her proximity to Sethuraman raises the stakes. He sits on the board of Thales Reliance Defence Systems, a venture tied to the Rafale deal. With Anil Ambani questioned only days ago, Virk’s arrest couldn’t have come at a worse time for the once-mighty empire. Sandeepa Virk is more than an Instagram celebrity gone rogue. She is a reminder that in India’s corporate-political maze, liaison agents never vanish—they simply swap landlines for iPhones, lobbying files for DMs, and power lunches for Insta Lives.

How Modi Govt. Stunned Yasin Malik

For decades, Yasin Malik thrived on the politics of engagement. Successive governments in Delhi—from V.P. Singh to Manmohan Singh—summoned him to the table, treating the JKLF chief as a stakeholder in Kashmir. He boasted of meetings with seven prime ministers (VP Singh, Chandra Shekhar, PV Narsimha Rao, HD Deve Gowda, Inder Kumar Gujral, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh), Sonia Gandhi, Left leaders, even RSS functionaries. At one point, he claimed, Ajit Doval himself met him in jail when serving as IB’s special director. Incidentally, Doval is serving in the Modi PMO as NSA for more than a decade.

But all that changed in 2014. The Modi dispensation broke with the past, shutting its doors on separatists and refusing to grant Malik the legitimacy of dialogue. For the first time in his political life, Malik found himself isolated.

The jolt came in February 2019 when Malik told the Delhi High Court how a seemingly casual coffee invitation from the Inspector-General in Srinagar changed his life. He felt it was an invite for mediation once again. But soon he was whisked to the local police station, kept there for seven days as a “State guest,” then slapped with a Public Safety Act order and packed off to Kot Bhalwal Jail in Jammu. By April, the NIA had brought him to Delhi and booked him in a terror funding case.

For a man accustomed to being courted by Delhi’s power corridors, the silence of the Modi government was deafening. Where earlier regimes sought him as a bridge to Kashmir, Modi chose to make him an example—turning dialogue into detention, and engagement into a dead end.

Congress in Bihar: Cart Before the Horse

Trust Congress to do the unusual. In Bihar, the party has had no state committee for nearly seven years, no Pradesh Election Committee, and no clarity on seats. Yet, it has already held two screening committee meetings to “shortlist” candidates. Ajay Maken, who heads the panel, flew into Patna on August 13, met ticket hopefuls and went back. Finally, the two meetings were held last week. The bigger irony: The last state committee was formed under Ashok Choudhary before he left for JD(U). His successors—Madan Mohan Jha, Akhilesh Prasad Singh, and now Akash Ram—couldn’t put together a new unit or Pradesh Election Committee.

So, without a proper structure, the party is already screening aspirants. A bit like announcing a cricket team without knowing the venue—or the match! No wonder observers are smiling that Congress has once again put the cart smartly before the horse.