by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Justice Varma Impeachment Gamble Faces Legal hurdle

The government’s plan to bring an impeachment motion in the Monsoon session against Allahabad High Court judge Justice Yashwant Varma over alleged corruption may hit a legal roadblock. Legal luminaries advising the government feel that adherence to due process mandated by the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 cannot be pushed under the carpet. Under the Act, once an impeachment motion is admitted in either House of Parliament, the Speaker or the Chairman must constitute a three-member committee comprising of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) or a Supreme Court judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist to probe the allegations. However, the government argues that an in-house committee, set up by then CJI Khanna, has already submitted its findings. Therefore, there is no need to set up a new committee. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was of the same opinion. But he was guarded, “We will take a call on how to integrate it with the current process.”

Legal experts say that in Justice Soumitra Sen and V Ramaswamy cases, the government had formed a fresh committee under the 1968 Act, despite in-house inquiries set up by the then CJIs. The key constitutional question is: Can the Speaker or Chairman ignore the clear mandate of the Judges (Inquiry) Act and proceed without forming the statutory committee? It would be interesting to mention that the Inquiry Committee constituted to investigate the allegations against Justice Soumitra Sen took approximately 18 months to complete its probe. In V Ramaswamy case also, the inquiry committee took time to submit its report. It is due to this very reason that several leading lawyers have urged Justice Varma to resign to avoid the ignominy of impeachment. But Varma is not ready to quit and the government is keen to send his packing as soon as possible.

A New Experiment in CBI

In a quiet but significant shift, the Modi government has turned the CBI into a testing ground for lateral talent—bringing in officers from non-police services to lead investigations traditionally handled by the IPS. The latest to join is Kamal Singh Chaudhary, a 2012-batch Indian Defence Accounts Service (IDAS) officer, appointed as Superintendent of Police (SP). He is the first from his service to enter the CBI. His background in defence audits and financial oversight is seen as a key asset in the agency’s fight against white-collar crime. Along with him, five Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officers from the 2014 and 2016 batches have been inducted as SPs—part of a growing trend of non-IPS entries into the country’s premier probe agency. A March order from the Department of Personnel & Training (DoPT), which controls CBI appointments, approved six new SPs—four from outside the IPS, including from IRS, IDAS, and Indian Telecom Service (ITS). 

While the CBI is legally a “police station,” the government has notified these officers with full police powers under the CrPC and the new Bhartiya Nyaya Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), allowing them to arrest, investigate, and carry arms. The move has stirred debate. While some in the IPS cadre see it as dilution, others say the CBI needs domain experts to tackle the increasingly complex landscape of financial frauds. The practice has picked up since 2014, beginning with IRS officer Sanjiv Gautam’s appointment as DIG, followed by several similar deputations. Officials say it’s a conscious policy shift: as the nature of crime evolves, so must the composition of India’s top investigating agency.

Cake, Clicks & Coaches: Nitish’s Metro Mirage

This August 15, Patna will unveil its newest ornament — a 6.1-km, five-station metro line, flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Touted as Bihar’s leap into modernity, it’s more a leap into electoral theater. With polls looming, metros are popping up like poll pamphlets — Muzaffarpur, Gaya, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga — one line at a time, logic be damned. At Rs 13,000 crore, Patna’s mini-metro raises the big question: is this public transport or a taxpayer-funded photo-op?

History warns us. A 2022 parliamentary report showed how Indian metros are graveyards of inflated promises. Bengaluru needed 1.8 million daily riders to break even, got 96,000. Hyderabad needed 1.9 million, got 65,000. Even bigger networks flopped. Poor planning, zero last-mile links, and fantasy projections sank them. Yet Bihar charges ahead. Why? Because metros look good. “They show progress,” says a BJP leader. Experts disagree — “Vanity projects,” sniffs urban planner Sharad Saxena. “They don’t pay, can’t charge more, and live off bailouts.”

To cover losses, some metros now moonlight — coaches rented for birthdays and wedding shoots. Confetti travels better than commuters, it seems. Patna’s metro may gleam on Day One. But five stations with no real connectivity? It’s a ribbon-cutting reel in search of passengers. Even the mighty Delhi Metro posted a net loss since 2002, despite fancy numbers (Rs 6,645 crore revenue 2022-23) and Japanese loans. If the capital can’t make it work, what chance does Patna have? But in an election year, optics > outcomes. Nitish’s metro may not move people, but it sure moves the camera.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan: Still Waiting for the Big Move

Union Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development Shivraj Singh Chouhan is patiently waiting in Delhi—for a “big role” that was reportedly promised to him. Despite leading the BJP to a strong win in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Chouhan was sidelined soon after. His quiet exit from state politics came when he was arguably at the peak of his career, having served as the longest-serving chief minister of the state. Now in the national spotlight, speculation is rife about his next move. Sources say the RSS is keen to see Chouhan replace J.P. Nadda as the BJP's national president. However, the current leadership seems to have other preferences, reportedly favouring leaders like Manohar Lal Khattar for the top organisational post.

Meanwhile, Chouhan has embraced his ministerial role with visible enthusiasm. From Odisha to Gujarat, he has been crisscrossing the country, launching government programmes and reinforcing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development agenda. At a recent event in Puri, he evoked Lal Bahadur Shastri’s iconic slogan—“Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan”—to highlight the government's twin focus on national security and agriculture. He also spoke at length about Modi’s vision of a “Viksit Bharat, Samriddh Bharat” and praised the contribution of farmers and soldiers in nation-building. Chouhan’s tone is consistently loyal, his praise for Modi unmistakable. Yet beneath the surface, his wait for a larger role continues. The question remains: will the BJP’s seasoned “kisan neta” be brought back to centre stage—or kept waiting in the wings?

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly On the Wall

Harish Gupta

Shah-Yogi Bonhomie Sparks Buzz in BJP

In a move that has set political circles abuzz, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union Home Minister Amit Shah displayed rare warmth at a state-level function in Lucknow — fuelling speculation of a tactical reset between the two BJP heavyweights. On June 9, Yogi flew to Delhi to personally invite Shah as chief guest for a high-profile event in Lucknow — a first in his eight-year tenure. Shah obliged, and on June 15 handed out appointment letters to 60,244 newly recruited UP Police constables. This was more than just a ceremonial presence. This sudden display of camaraderie comes against the backdrop of long-running speculation about tensions between the two leaders. For years, the BJP grapevine has been thick with talk of a cold war — stories of Delhi’s discomfort with Yogi’s growing stature, his reluctance to clear key appointments with the Centre, and his five-year delay in appointing a full-time DGP only deepened that perception. The stories of mutual mistrust and discomfort have been endless.

Many attribute this friction to the fact that both Shah and Yogi are seen as strong contenders in a post-Modi BJP. Their perceived rivalry, fuelled by ideological differences and contrasting political styles, has been a constant source of chatter. Until now, their appearances together were largely limited to Union Home Ministry-organised events — like the forensic institute foundation stone ceremony and the All-India DGPs’ meet. But this time, the initiative came from Lucknow, not Delhi. Whether this is a temporary optics exercise or a deeper realignment remains to be seen. But one thing is clear — the Shah-Yogi moment has reset the narrative and injected fresh intrigue into the BJP’s future power dynamics. It is also whispered that the development came after Yogi was nudged by the top leadership to fall in line.

From Jantar Mantar to Chandigarh Bungalows

Remember the good old days when Satyendar Jain along with his mentor Arvind Kejriwal,  stormed Delhi politics armed only with idealism—and the odd whistle stop rally? Fast-forward to today, and our once-on-a-mission maverick is quietly running Punjab’s health show…from his swanky government bungalow in Chandigarh. Yes, that’s right: the very same man who famously duelled with bureaucratic red tape in Delhi is now pulling strings in Punjab’s Health Department—no scalpel needed. His former “Officer on Special Duty,” Shaleen Mitra, has even decamped north to join him, suggesting this isn’t just a weekend hobby. But Jain isn’t alone in his Punjabi escapade. Delhi’s ex-Deputy CM, Manish Sisodia, long champion of free textbooks, has slipped into an advisory role in Punjab’s Education Department. And who could forget Reena Gupta—once sparring verbally with Kejriwal’s critics—is now bossing around the state’s Pollution Control Board.

It’s like a political exchange program in reverse: Delhi’s brain trust setting up shop amidst Punjab’s lassi-loving heartland. Jasmine Shah, erstwhile vice chair of Delhi’s Dialogue Commission, is now the “lead governance fellow” (fancy!) in Punjab’s IT wing. Meanwhile, Kamal Bansal has swapped pilgrimage panel meetings in Delhi for Tirth Yatra Samiti chairmanship in Punjab—holy detours, indeed! Insiders whisper there are at least ten government flats in Chandigarh now occupied by these Delhi imports, who’ve brought their own brand of “principled” bureaucracy. Critics chuckle that, once fighting the system, they’re now…the system. But hey, if you can’t beat ’em, send in your most devoted ex-crusaders to run the show—bungalow style.

BJP Flexes Muscles in Bihar Post-Op Sindoor

Unruffled by global tensions, India’s political spotlight is firmly on domestic turf — and the BJP is wasting no time asserting dominance within the NDA fold ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls due in October-November. Buoyed by its post-Operation Sindoor confidence, the BJP is flexing its muscles in seat-sharing talks, especially with the JD(U). Citing the JD(U)’s underwhelming performance in the 2020 Assembly elections — where it contested 115 seats and won only 43 — the BJP is likely to offer it just 90–95 seats this time. In contrast, the BJP contested 110 seats and secured 74 in 2020. While the BJP plans to field candidates in around 102–105 constituencies — slightly fewer than last time — it’s doing so from a position of strength. The party has assured Nitish Kumar that he will remain the chief ministerial face, but is making it clear that this guarantee doesn't automatically translate into a bigger seat share for the JD(U). Internal constituency-wise winnability surveys are guiding the BJP's strategy.

The LJP (Ram Vilas), which contested 134 seats in 2020 but didn’t win a single one, is back in the NDA and eyeing 30 seats. However, the BJP is expected to offer only 20–25. The LJP’s 2020 mission — to undercut Nitish Kumar — was achieved, and it’s now being recalibrated for coalition arithmetic. With the Vikasheel Insaan Party (VIP) no longer part of the NDA, the 18 seats it previously contested will be redistributed among other allies, including the Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM) led by Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha’s RLM, and potential new entrants. The BJP, it seems, is drawing the map — and setting the terms.

(The item below is subject to availability of space)

Forgotten Neighbourhood

Tailpiece: In a global diplomatic campaign, India dispatched seven multi-party delegations to 33 countries to expose Pakistan’s role in abetting terrorism. Curiously, none were sent to its immediate neighbours — Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan. This omission has left experts questioning the sincerity of the “Neighbourhood First” policy, long touted as a cornerstone of the NDA government’s foreign strategy. Insiders in South Block claim the reason is “more than obvious,” hinting at underlying regional tensions. While the world was briefed, India’s closest neighbours were left out — a telling silence from a government that once promised regional primacy.