by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

Harish Gupta

Justice Varma Impeachment Gamble Faces Legal hurdle

The government’s plan to bring an impeachment motion in the Monsoon session against Allahabad High Court judge Justice Yashwant Varma over alleged corruption may hit a legal roadblock. Legal luminaries advising the government feel that adherence to due process mandated by the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 cannot be pushed under the carpet. Under the Act, once an impeachment motion is admitted in either House of Parliament, the Speaker or the Chairman must constitute a three-member committee comprising of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) or a Supreme Court judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist to probe the allegations. However, the government argues that an in-house committee, set up by then CJI Khanna, has already submitted its findings. Therefore, there is no need to set up a new committee. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was of the same opinion. But he was guarded, “We will take a call on how to integrate it with the current process.”

Legal experts say that in Justice Soumitra Sen and V Ramaswamy cases, the government had formed a fresh committee under the 1968 Act, despite in-house inquiries set up by the then CJIs. The key constitutional question is: Can the Speaker or Chairman ignore the clear mandate of the Judges (Inquiry) Act and proceed without forming the statutory committee? It would be interesting to mention that the Inquiry Committee constituted to investigate the allegations against Justice Soumitra Sen took approximately 18 months to complete its probe. In V Ramaswamy case also, the inquiry committee took time to submit its report. It is due to this very reason that several leading lawyers have urged Justice Varma to resign to avoid the ignominy of impeachment. But Varma is not ready to quit and the government is keen to send his packing as soon as possible.

A New Experiment in CBI

In a quiet but significant shift, the Modi government has turned the CBI into a testing ground for lateral talent—bringing in officers from non-police services to lead investigations traditionally handled by the IPS. The latest to join is Kamal Singh Chaudhary, a 2012-batch Indian Defence Accounts Service (IDAS) officer, appointed as Superintendent of Police (SP). He is the first from his service to enter the CBI. His background in defence audits and financial oversight is seen as a key asset in the agency’s fight against white-collar crime. Along with him, five Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officers from the 2014 and 2016 batches have been inducted as SPs—part of a growing trend of non-IPS entries into the country’s premier probe agency. A March order from the Department of Personnel & Training (DoPT), which controls CBI appointments, approved six new SPs—four from outside the IPS, including from IRS, IDAS, and Indian Telecom Service (ITS). 

While the CBI is legally a “police station,” the government has notified these officers with full police powers under the CrPC and the new Bhartiya Nyaya Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), allowing them to arrest, investigate, and carry arms. The move has stirred debate. While some in the IPS cadre see it as dilution, others say the CBI needs domain experts to tackle the increasingly complex landscape of financial frauds. The practice has picked up since 2014, beginning with IRS officer Sanjiv Gautam’s appointment as DIG, followed by several similar deputations. Officials say it’s a conscious policy shift: as the nature of crime evolves, so must the composition of India’s top investigating agency.

Cake, Clicks & Coaches: Nitish’s Metro Mirage

This August 15, Patna will unveil its newest ornament — a 6.1-km, five-station metro line, flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Touted as Bihar’s leap into modernity, it’s more a leap into electoral theater. With polls looming, metros are popping up like poll pamphlets — Muzaffarpur, Gaya, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga — one line at a time, logic be damned. At Rs 13,000 crore, Patna’s mini-metro raises the big question: is this public transport or a taxpayer-funded photo-op?

History warns us. A 2022 parliamentary report showed how Indian metros are graveyards of inflated promises. Bengaluru needed 1.8 million daily riders to break even, got 96,000. Hyderabad needed 1.9 million, got 65,000. Even bigger networks flopped. Poor planning, zero last-mile links, and fantasy projections sank them. Yet Bihar charges ahead. Why? Because metros look good. “They show progress,” says a BJP leader. Experts disagree — “Vanity projects,” sniffs urban planner Sharad Saxena. “They don’t pay, can’t charge more, and live off bailouts.”

To cover losses, some metros now moonlight — coaches rented for birthdays and wedding shoots. Confetti travels better than commuters, it seems. Patna’s metro may gleam on Day One. But five stations with no real connectivity? It’s a ribbon-cutting reel in search of passengers. Even the mighty Delhi Metro posted a net loss since 2002, despite fancy numbers (Rs 6,645 crore revenue 2022-23) and Japanese loans. If the capital can’t make it work, what chance does Patna have? But in an election year, optics > outcomes. Nitish’s metro may not move people, but it sure moves the camera.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan: Still Waiting for the Big Move

Union Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development Shivraj Singh Chouhan is patiently waiting in Delhi—for a “big role” that was reportedly promised to him. Despite leading the BJP to a strong win in the 2023 Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections, Chouhan was sidelined soon after. His quiet exit from state politics came when he was arguably at the peak of his career, having served as the longest-serving chief minister of the state. Now in the national spotlight, speculation is rife about his next move. Sources say the RSS is keen to see Chouhan replace J.P. Nadda as the BJP's national president. However, the current leadership seems to have other preferences, reportedly favouring leaders like Manohar Lal Khattar for the top organisational post.

Meanwhile, Chouhan has embraced his ministerial role with visible enthusiasm. From Odisha to Gujarat, he has been crisscrossing the country, launching government programmes and reinforcing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development agenda. At a recent event in Puri, he evoked Lal Bahadur Shastri’s iconic slogan—“Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan”—to highlight the government's twin focus on national security and agriculture. He also spoke at length about Modi’s vision of a “Viksit Bharat, Samriddh Bharat” and praised the contribution of farmers and soldiers in nation-building. Chouhan’s tone is consistently loyal, his praise for Modi unmistakable. Yet beneath the surface, his wait for a larger role continues. The question remains: will the BJP’s seasoned “kisan neta” be brought back to centre stage—or kept waiting in the wings?

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly On the Wall

Harish Gupta

Shah-Yogi Bonhomie Sparks Buzz in BJP

In a move that has set political circles abuzz, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union Home Minister Amit Shah displayed rare warmth at a state-level function in Lucknow — fuelling speculation of a tactical reset between the two BJP heavyweights. On June 9, Yogi flew to Delhi to personally invite Shah as chief guest for a high-profile event in Lucknow — a first in his eight-year tenure. Shah obliged, and on June 15 handed out appointment letters to 60,244 newly recruited UP Police constables. This was more than just a ceremonial presence. This sudden display of camaraderie comes against the backdrop of long-running speculation about tensions between the two leaders. For years, the BJP grapevine has been thick with talk of a cold war — stories of Delhi’s discomfort with Yogi’s growing stature, his reluctance to clear key appointments with the Centre, and his five-year delay in appointing a full-time DGP only deepened that perception. The stories of mutual mistrust and discomfort have been endless.

Many attribute this friction to the fact that both Shah and Yogi are seen as strong contenders in a post-Modi BJP. Their perceived rivalry, fuelled by ideological differences and contrasting political styles, has been a constant source of chatter. Until now, their appearances together were largely limited to Union Home Ministry-organised events — like the forensic institute foundation stone ceremony and the All-India DGPs’ meet. But this time, the initiative came from Lucknow, not Delhi. Whether this is a temporary optics exercise or a deeper realignment remains to be seen. But one thing is clear — the Shah-Yogi moment has reset the narrative and injected fresh intrigue into the BJP’s future power dynamics. It is also whispered that the development came after Yogi was nudged by the top leadership to fall in line.

From Jantar Mantar to Chandigarh Bungalows

Remember the good old days when Satyendar Jain along with his mentor Arvind Kejriwal,  stormed Delhi politics armed only with idealism—and the odd whistle stop rally? Fast-forward to today, and our once-on-a-mission maverick is quietly running Punjab’s health show…from his swanky government bungalow in Chandigarh. Yes, that’s right: the very same man who famously duelled with bureaucratic red tape in Delhi is now pulling strings in Punjab’s Health Department—no scalpel needed. His former “Officer on Special Duty,” Shaleen Mitra, has even decamped north to join him, suggesting this isn’t just a weekend hobby. But Jain isn’t alone in his Punjabi escapade. Delhi’s ex-Deputy CM, Manish Sisodia, long champion of free textbooks, has slipped into an advisory role in Punjab’s Education Department. And who could forget Reena Gupta—once sparring verbally with Kejriwal’s critics—is now bossing around the state’s Pollution Control Board.

It’s like a political exchange program in reverse: Delhi’s brain trust setting up shop amidst Punjab’s lassi-loving heartland. Jasmine Shah, erstwhile vice chair of Delhi’s Dialogue Commission, is now the “lead governance fellow” (fancy!) in Punjab’s IT wing. Meanwhile, Kamal Bansal has swapped pilgrimage panel meetings in Delhi for Tirth Yatra Samiti chairmanship in Punjab—holy detours, indeed! Insiders whisper there are at least ten government flats in Chandigarh now occupied by these Delhi imports, who’ve brought their own brand of “principled” bureaucracy. Critics chuckle that, once fighting the system, they’re now…the system. But hey, if you can’t beat ’em, send in your most devoted ex-crusaders to run the show—bungalow style.

BJP Flexes Muscles in Bihar Post-Op Sindoor

Unruffled by global tensions, India’s political spotlight is firmly on domestic turf — and the BJP is wasting no time asserting dominance within the NDA fold ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls due in October-November. Buoyed by its post-Operation Sindoor confidence, the BJP is flexing its muscles in seat-sharing talks, especially with the JD(U). Citing the JD(U)’s underwhelming performance in the 2020 Assembly elections — where it contested 115 seats and won only 43 — the BJP is likely to offer it just 90–95 seats this time. In contrast, the BJP contested 110 seats and secured 74 in 2020. While the BJP plans to field candidates in around 102–105 constituencies — slightly fewer than last time — it’s doing so from a position of strength. The party has assured Nitish Kumar that he will remain the chief ministerial face, but is making it clear that this guarantee doesn't automatically translate into a bigger seat share for the JD(U). Internal constituency-wise winnability surveys are guiding the BJP's strategy.

The LJP (Ram Vilas), which contested 134 seats in 2020 but didn’t win a single one, is back in the NDA and eyeing 30 seats. However, the BJP is expected to offer only 20–25. The LJP’s 2020 mission — to undercut Nitish Kumar — was achieved, and it’s now being recalibrated for coalition arithmetic. With the Vikasheel Insaan Party (VIP) no longer part of the NDA, the 18 seats it previously contested will be redistributed among other allies, including the Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM) led by Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha’s RLM, and potential new entrants. The BJP, it seems, is drawing the map — and setting the terms.

(The item below is subject to availability of space)

Forgotten Neighbourhood

Tailpiece: In a global diplomatic campaign, India dispatched seven multi-party delegations to 33 countries to expose Pakistan’s role in abetting terrorism. Curiously, none were sent to its immediate neighbours — Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan. This omission has left experts questioning the sincerity of the “Neighbourhood First” policy, long touted as a cornerstone of the NDA government’s foreign strategy. Insiders in South Block claim the reason is “more than obvious,” hinting at underlying regional tensions. While the world was briefed, India’s closest neighbours were left out — a telling silence from a government that once promised regional primacy.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Centre decides to extend tenure of 17 Lateral Entrants, issue pending before the Parliamentary Panel after ruckus

The Centre has decided to extend the tenure of 17 officers appointed through Lateral Recruitment in 2021-22 for a period of three years. On the expiry of their three year term on contract and deputation to various ministries and departments, the Union government decided to extend the service of seventeen officers. Of these 17 officers, three are working as Joint Secretary while 12 are in the rank and pay of Director and two are serving as Deputy Secretaries in various ministries and departments. These 17 officers will have to sign a new contract which will extend their service for a specified period on contract basis.

It may be mentioned that the issue of lateral entry to fill key posts in government departments had triggered a huge political row earlier this year over lack of reservation for these positions. Several Opposition leaders, including Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav, had criticised the policy for not having reservations for Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) candidates. Some of the NDA’s allies, such as the Janata Dal (United) and Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) also opposed the move.

Later, the Centre directed the UPSC to withdraw advertisements for recruiting lateral entry into bureaucracy. Earlier, the Centre had opened a fresh round of lateral recruitments, from the private sector and elsewhere, into senior posts in the bureaucracy and UPSC, in August 2024, was to recruit 45 Lateral Entrants. The issue was then referred to the Parliamentary panel to examine which the Centre had opened in 2018 to appoint persons for specific assignments. The matter is pending before the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice for examination in 2024-25. However, the government has now decided to extend the tenure of these 17 Lateral Entrants.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Fly on the Wall

BJP Uneasy, Congress elated with MP Priyanka

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra may have chosen a safe haven in deep south Wayanad in Kerala to make her parliamentary debut. But her maiden speech in Lok Sabha last week in chaste Hindi with pauses where needed, broad smile and snide remarks reminded of the good old days in parliament. If she poked fun at times, she also punched where it really hurts. Though she mostly spoke from the written notes and texts, she was spontaneous at times giving a clear impression that the Congress may have got a match to take on the BJP though she was sitting in the 4^th row. The Nehru-Gandhi clan’s latest entrant may force the BJP strategists to sit up and devise a way to counter her in the days to come. Priyanka maintained her composure and never got distracted or lost her cool. In her 32-minute, laced with pointed barbs and critiques, she not only took on the BJP but today's “Raja (Modi) who likes to change his attire frequently, but does not like criticism or goes in disguise to mingle with people to get a feel of what's happening on the ground”.

Comparisons between the Gandhi siblings are inevitable with the BJP MPs conceding  Priyanka’s fluency in Hindi and political acumen surpassed her brother's delivery. Interestingly, both of them spoke on the same subjects on different days and she stood out. Most senior leaders in the Congress have good words about her as she is amenable, good listener and persuasive. She may not be a threat to her brother's career. But a clamour for her political promotion within the party is bound to grow if she continues to perform the way she did during the Winter session of Parliament.

A Middle Path for ONOP

It clearly emerged that the BJP did not get two-third majority in the Lok Sabha when the Constitutional amendment bill was put to vote at the introduction stage. No 2/3 majority was needed at that stage. But the NDA parties had issued a whip and it was the first trial of strength. Clearly, a lot more ground has to be covered by the Modi government if it wants to achieve One Nation One Poll (ONOP) goal. The issue has been referred to the JPC and the government will get plenty of time to muster a 2/3 majority to ensure the passage of the bill in the months to come. The government claimed that 32 political parties supported ONOP before the Ramnath Kovind panel. But it must be borne in mind that these parties fell in line when the BJP had a massive mandate of its own 303 Lok Sabha Mps and 363 with allies. But the political situation changed after the 2024 Lok Sabha poll as the JP failed to get a clear majority and with allies its below 300 seats. It may win a few more assemblies in the months to come. But no regional party including its allies are comfortable with this situation.

Therefore, several saner elements have suggested a “middle path”. They have suggested that the Lok Sabha polls may be held as scheduled in May 2029 and Assembly polls across 36 States and Union Territories across India be held two and a half years later. The state polls will take care of the regional aspirations as well as reflect voters' mood towards the ruling party at the Centre. The regional parties are reluctant to swim or sink with national parties and in a federal structure, they too are allowed to have their say, say these voices. This middle path may find takers across the board if the current dispensation fails to muster the desired mandate.

A Third Option

There is a third formula too. The next Lok Sabha polls are scheduled to be held in May 2029. The Assembly polls for Andhra Pradesh, Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh and Odisha will be held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha elections then as per schedule. The Assembly polls in Haryana and Maharashtra will be held in October and November 2029. These two states are governed by the BJP and Assembly polls in these states can be advanced by a few months and held along with the Lok Sabha. Madhya Pradesh,Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan are scheduled to go to polls in November - December 2028 now. These states are currently ruled by the BJP and these can be postponed by a few months through other options available under the existing laws itself. With these, at least half of India will witness simultaneous polls. 

This will leave Jharkhand & J&K (October 2029), Telangana and Mizoram (October 2028), Karnataka (May 2028) Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland (February 2028) and Tamil Nadu, Kerala, UP, Manipur, Punjab, Himachal, West Bengal, Bihar (2026 & 2027) etc out of ONOP. These states can also be clubbed in a gradual manner as some of them are ruled by the BJP or its allies.

BJP-INDIA in the same boat

The BJP taunted INDIA bloc leaders for their failure to elect their Leaders of Opposition in Haryana and Maharashtra. It's been almost two months since Congress lost the polls and ended up with 37 seats in the House of 90. But the party has failed to elect its Leader in the State Assembly largely because there is no unanimity. Former Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda is unwilling to give up and so are his opponents. The high command is silent. The situation is precarious in Maharashtra where the three MVA partners have yet to come to terms with the results. But the BJP is no different when it comes to Jharkhand where it came down from a high horse as horse-trading failed to fetch votes. It has a battery of claimants for the LoP's post. The leadership is keeping its fingers crossed as the search is on for a new tribal leader.

by Harish Gupta, National Editor, Lokmat Group

Dhankhar's surprising punch at Chouhan

Rajya Sabha Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar is an astute politician and earned the post by sheer hard work and intelligence. He may have quit politics after becoming the Governor of West Bengal but he has always been in the news; be it in Kolkata or New Delhi. The Opposition may have brought up a no-confidence motion against him. But due to technicalities, it may come up during the Budget session of Parliament in 2025. Before this controversy erupted, Jagdeep Dhankhar had surprised political observers when he publicly rapped Union Agriculture and Rural Development Minister Shivraj Singh at a function on Tuesday last in Mumbai. Dhankhar had said the farmers were in distress as they were not getting fair value for their products and asked Chouhan, who was present at the program, why the assurances given to farmers had not been kept. Shivraj was sheepish and remained quiet. But Dhankhar appeared to pipe down three days later in Rajya Sabha after the Congress asked the government if it had taken cognizance of the VP’s concerns regarding the plight of the farmers. Before Chouhan could respond, Dhankhar clarified his position by saying he was articulating his expectations from the minister, who had evolved a popular scheme for women. “The minister was with me there. I  assured him that the person who is known for designing the Ladli (Behna) scheme will become a ladla (son) of farmers. I am very hopeful. The minister will make it happen. I am giving you the name ‘kisan ke ladle’,” Dhankhar said. 

But the BJP observers believe nothing is said in politics without any reason and it's a different matter that Dhankar may have piped down three days later. He is considered very close to the powers that be and a trouble-shooter. Many say that there was a hidden hand in BJP's big win in Haryana as the Akalis were persuaded to put up candidates in select constituencies to help the BJP while Abhay Chautala and Mayawati also fielded candidates to play the same game.

Kejriwal looking for a safe Haven

With a resurgent BJP after its Haryana and Maharashtra big win, the ruling Aam Aadmi Party seems to be extremely worried. It has been in power for eleven long years and defeated the BJP decisively in 2015 & 2020 Assembly polls. But there are signs of worries in the AAP camp. There are reports that the AAP Convener and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal is also planning to shift from his traditional New Delhi seat. The way he is rewarding seats to defectors from the BJP and Congress indicates that the party has caught cold. It has denied tickets to 16 of its sitting MLAs out of 31 candidates announced so far and rewarded 21 defectors. Significantly, the AAP leadership even shifted the seat of its senior leader Manish Sisodia and former minister Rakhi Bidlan. The switching constituencies after three elections shows that the party has got the feedback that it has lost some political ground. Insiders in the AAP say that even Kejriwal is looking for a “safe Haven” and may contest either from two seats. After all, he may also have an element of anti-incumbency after three consecutive wins since 2013.

BJP-Akali Dal to join hands again!

The failed assassination attempt on Sukhbir Singh Badal, former Chief Minister, has opened the doors of Akali Dal's re-union with the BJP. It clearly emerged that the hardliners in Punjab are not willing to accept Badal-led SAD as the leader of the Panth. There is utter confusion and turmoil in the Sikh world. The AAP's graph is sliding and the Congress Party is unable to put its own house in order while the BJP has been virtually decimated in the border state without the Akalis. The SAD is also struggling to survive alone. The assassination bid has generated a sympathy wave in favour of the Badals.The BJP has sensed the opportunity and sent feelers to the Badals to forget the past. The SAD has traveled a long distance since 1996 when it made an ideological shift from being a party of Sikhs to projecting itself as a party of all Punjabis and joined hands with the BJP in 1997 forming the first coalition government in Punjab.

But the BJP became greedy and parted company with the Akalis in September 2020. It refused to listen to the Akalis to withdraw the three farm laws following which Harsimrat Kaur Badal quit the Union Cabinet. Later, the government was forced to withdraw these bills. The BJP contested the Assembly polls in Punjab in 2022 on its own and ended up getting just 2 seats and 6.6% votes. The Akalis won just three seats and got 18.38% votes. The AAP swept to power winning 92 seats in a House of 117 seats getting 42% popular votes. The emergence of Congress in Punjab during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls which won seven with 26.30% votes raised eyebrows. The BJP's disastrous performance forced it to send feelers to the Akalis for a reunion as it got a big zero in the border state. The Akalis have also run out of options and it may be time for backroom boys to do business again.