Fly on the wall Harish Gupta  Amit Shah’s Bihar Mission: One State, One Party, One CM Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on a relentless mission — to paint Bihar completely saffron. For Shah, this is not just another state election; it’s a personal redemption arc and a crucial step in his long-cherished dream of keeping the BJP in power “from panchayat to Parliament” for decades. Shah has not forgotten the sting of 2015, when the formidable duo of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar united to block the BJP’s rise. While Nitish Kumar remains nominally in alliance with the BJP, Shah’s long game is clear: Bihar must one day have a BJP Chief Minister. Shah is personally micro-managing every move in the polls — from booth committees to campaign strategy — and leading from the front on the ground. This time, the BJP and JD(U) are contesting 101 seats each — but beneath the surface of this numerical parity lies a political asymmetry. In the 2020 elections, the BJP won 74 seats to JD(U)’s 43, while the RJD edged out both with 75 seats, becoming the single largest party. In 2025, Shah’s strategy is simple yet audacious: turn the BJP into Bihar’s dominant force.With the entire Hindi heartland — except Punjab and Himachal — already under BJP belt, Bihar is the only missing piece in Shah’s grand political puzzle. If the BJP becomes a single-largest party, a new script may be written. The BJP has mastered the art of making governments in states. It won’t just be another victory — it will be Amit Shah’s revenge, repackaged as resurgence. Finally; Saffron shake up After Bihar Polls  A big churn is ahead in the BJP after Bihar votes. A new party president could take charge soon — and Amit Shah has dropped the clearest hint yet. He has said the BJP may elect a new national president soon after the Bihar elections. “I don’t decide it — the party does, but after the Bihar polls, this can be done,” he said. One of the reasons for retaining J P Nadda is his old association with Bihar as a student. Insiders say the BJP is working overtime to install its own Chief Minister in the state — and the outcome will shape the party’s national strategy. Nadda has been one of the longest for any BJP president — first appointed working president in June 2019 and taking full charge in January 2020, Nadda has already completed two terms and received extensions. It is said that the selection of next chief has to be with extreme care keeping in mind that he will continue in office until the 2029 Lok Sabha polls and beyond. Party insiders also hint that post-Bihar, there could be a wider shake-up — in the cabinet, states, gubernatorial changes and the organization itself. One of the reasons for delay in holding the Winter session of Parliament is attributed to these impending changes. The BJP insiders say that inauspicious period begins from December 15 and changes, if any, had to be made before the onset of Winter session only. Hence, this delay.  These changes will be far-reaching as 12 states will go to polls in 2026 & 2027.  Rahul’s Claims Fall Flat as No ground work by his team Rahul Gandhi’s latest Hydrogen Bomb, where he accused the Election Commission of massive irregularities in the voter rolls, has backfired spectacularly. Gandhi had made three dramatic claims: that 66 voters were listed at one address; that a Brazilian model’s photograph was used against 22 voter names; and that one woman’s image appeared on 200 voter IDs. The first charge — 66 voters at one house in Godarana village, Bahadurgarh — turned out to involve a sprawling family compound of nearly an acre, where multiple generations live together. Every single voter was genuine. The discovery has left Congress red-faced as a basic ground check by workers was not done. Second claim: the “Brazilian model” case linked to Rai village near Sonipat revealed that all the women whose names supposedly carried the model’s image — Sheetal, Manjeet, and Darshana — were alive, local, and very much real. Darshana even produced her voter ID card with her photo.  Third allegation: A woman’s photo used across 200 names, involved Charanjeet from Ambala. She too was found easily and said she had voted only once. Locals confirmed that for over a decade, her picture has mistakenly appeared beside many names in the electoral list despite repeated complaints to officials. Rahul tried to tone down his remarks later. But Congress insiders say Rahul has his own in-house team dedicated to embarrassing him. Tailpiece: Why Jay Shah’s smiling: With the women’s cricket team lifting the ODI World Cup, the two men are also receiving widespread appreciation. One is the team’s coach Amol Muzumdar; the other is ICC President Jay Shah — who is also the BCCI chief. The praise is pouring in for Jay Shah as he turnaround women’s cricket, focused aggressively on women’s cricket, strengthening coaching & training infrastructure and increasing players payments and world class facilities. The World Cup win has become Jay Shah's defining moment in cricket administration. (Kind attention: The Rudy item is optional if short of space)  Rudy’s Quiet Comeback Once sidelined, BJP MP Rajiv Pratap Rudy is making a strong comeback in Bihar’s political theater. At a rally in Saran, Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s warm reference to Rudy as “my friend” signaled the MP’s quiet return to the party’s inner circle. The seven-term parliamentarian had been on the fringes since losing his ministerial berth, but a key victory turned his fortunes around when he defeated Sanjeev Balyan in the Constitution Club of India polls. The contest, marked by Rajput–Jat undertones, gave Rudy fresh political energy. He led “Jai Sanga” yatras across Bihar, invoking the Rajput hero Rana Sanga to consolidate his community’s support. With Shah’s backing and a renewed Rajput base, Rudy’s steady climb shows that in politics, patience and timing often matter more than power.

Amit Shah’s Message: No More Crutches Amit Shah may have spoken in Mumbai about local body elections the other day, but his real message went far beyond Maharashtra. It was aimed at BJP's every regional ally that still believes it has leverage in the NDA. In typically blunt fashion, Shah declared that the BJP no longer needs any “crutches” in Maharashtra while pitching for a "triple engine" government. The comment, made at a party event, was a signal that the days of dependence on allies are over. The BJP, he said, is ready to fight local elections on its own strength—an unmistakable signal to those who matter. It's a different matter that Mahayuti partners will be fighting together in many municipalities.  Once upon a time, the BJP relied on the Shiv Sena’s support. That era is gone. After the split in the Sena, the Election Commission recognized the Shinde faction which sits comfortably with the BJP. In the last Assembly election, the BJP came close to a solo majority with 132 seats out of 145 needed and a 93 percent strike rate. Even without allies, it could have formed the government. Shah’s remarks come a year later as a pointed reminder: the BJP can manage without its partners. The message from Maharashtra has echoes elsewhere. In Bihar and Jharkhand, the BJP has tried—unsuccessfully so far—to shed its allies. But Shah’s statement confirms that the effort continues. He made it clear once again that the NDA is fighting the elections under Nitish Kumar's leadership. "But a formal decision on the CM's post is determined by all MLAs sitting together after the election." The message is loud and clear. The allies are free to chart their own course. Dhankhar’s Return: Calm After the Storm After months of speculation and silence, it now appears that all is well between Jagdeep Dhankhar and the “Parivar”. The former Vice President, who had abruptly resigned citing “health” reasons, maintained a stony silence for 53 days before resurfacing at Rashtrapati Bhawan for the swearing-in of his successor and went back into hibernation. But all seems to be well. Party sources suggest that Dhankhar has decided to remain calm, with BJP’s organisational general secretary B. L. Santosh and senior RSS functionary Krishan Gopal gave him comfort. They had personally reached out to him while he was vacating his official residence. Dhankhar may shift to his newly allotted Type VIII bungalow at 34, APJ Abdul Kalam Road, in Lutyens’ Delhi soon. The choice of bungalow was his own, though the allotment took some time as is customary. Dhankhar declined government guest accommodation and instead shifted briefly to a farmhouse owned by INLD leader Abhay Singh Chautala in Chattarpur. Dhankhar has been assured staff of his choice and will get a pension of ₹2 lakh per month, along with a personal secretary, an additional secretary, a personal assistant, four attendants, a nursing officer, and a physician. In addition, his past tenures entitle him to multiple pensions: ₹45,000 per month as a one-term Lok Sabha MP, and ₹42,000 as an MLA. He is eligible for reimbursement of ₹25,000 for secretarial assistance as former West Bengal Governor . With his residence secured, entitlements settled, and party channels reopened, Dhankhar seems back within the Parivar. Mayawati Frets as Congress Makes Inroads into Dalits The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is in churn. Its once-solid Dalit vote base is showing cracks, and Mayawati is watching with growing unease as the Congress gains traction among Dalit voters after the BSP failed to win a single Lok Sabha seat in 2024, and its vote share in UP plunged to just 9.39% — less than half of what it secured in 2019. Even its loyal Jatav vote, long considered impregnable, drifted away — partly toward the Samajwadi Party–Congress alliance, and in some areas, the BJP. Adding to the turmoil was Mayawati’s abrupt removal of her nephew Akash Anand as national coordinator. The Congress, smarting from past irrelevance in UP, has seized the moment. In the 2024 polls, it tripled its tally in SC-reserved seats from six to 19, thanks to an aggressive “Save the Constitution” campaign that struck a chord with Dalit voters wary of the BJP’s stance on reservation. Sensing the erosion, Mayawati is fighting to reclaim her legacy. At a massive Lucknow rally in October 2025, she warned supporters against “sell-out individuals” being used to fragment the Dalit vote and vowed to go solo in the 2027 UP polls. Whether Mayawati can revive the party’s lost mojo is uncertain. But one thing is clear: the Congress’s resurgence among Dalits has rattled Mayawati like never before. Nitish keeps Bhojpuri Film Crowd Away In Bihar’s Assembly elections, almost every major political party has fielded at least one Bhojpuri film personality — actor, singer or star performer. Not only have they been given tickets, they are being used extensively in the campaign trail. The BJP leads this charge, but Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD is not far behind and gave a ticket to Khesari Lal Yadav. Chirag Paswan’s LJP fielded Seema Singh, though her nomination later got canceled. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj too has fielded actress Pankhuri Pandey. Only Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s party stands out as the exception as it has not fielded a single actor or singer. Traditionally, JD(U) tickets go to grassroots workers and organizational faces. But the BJP has plucked Methili Thakur — known for performing songs-- and fielded her from Alinagar in Darbhanga. The party has also brought Manoj Tiwari, Ravi Kishan and Dinesh Lal ‘Nirahua’ into campaign activity. As these film stars and singers campaign vigorously — drawing crowds not just for themselves but for other candidates too — Nitish Kumar remains conspicuously distant from the Bhojpuri glamour brigade.

Fly on the wall Harish Gupta Two Leaders, One Template At first glance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar appear poles apart — one a national figure commanding global attention, the other a regional satrap balancing fragile alliances. Yet, scratch beneath the surface, and striking similarities emerge between the two longest-serving leaders in Indian politics. Both Modi and Nitish have built their careers on the foundation of personal integrity. In an era where corruption charges have felled many politicians, neither has faced a personal allegation of graft. Their reputations for honesty have become political capital — a key reason their respective constituencies continue to trust them despite shifting alliances and turbulent political landscapes. Ambition defines them both. Modi’s journey from Gujarat Chief Minister to Prime Minister reflects a relentless climb powered by political conviction and sharp strategic sense. Nitish, too, has shown unyielding ambition — whether breaking with the BJP or returning to it — always with an eye on maintaining Bihar’s political centre of gravity around himself. Another shared trait is their reliance on bureaucratic machinery and carefully chosen teams. Both men prefer working with trusted officials who understand their style of governance and execute policies with precision. Modi’s PMO is famously tight-knit and loyal, while Nitish’s administration in Bihar functions through a cadre of long-serving bureaucrats who know his mind. Their longevity in power — over 25 years each — is a testament to political survival skills rarely matched in India’s fast-changing democracy. Honest, ambitious, disciplined, and deeply strategic — Nitish Kumar and Narendra Modi may stand on different political pedestals, but they are, in many ways, two faces of the same political coin. Another striking similarity is their personal restraint. Neither leader has promoted the family. Nitish's son Nishant made a brief appearance before the polls. But he soon vanished from the scene. Everyone Wants SIR in Maharashtra! When the rest of India says no, Maharashtra says yes. Now here’s a political paradox for the ages. Across the country, political parties are crying foul over the Election Commission’s plan for a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists. But in Maharashtra, every party worth its poll symbol is clamouring for it. The EC announced SIR in 12 states & UTs as part of a nationwide clean-up of electoral rolls, Maharashtra excluded. Ironically, the loudest protests against SIR came from the three big opposition-ruled states: West Bengal, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. But the EC ignored their demands. Cut to Maharashtra, where the mood is refreshingly different. Rivals Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray—usually at each other’s throats—are singing the same tune: no elections without cleaning the voters’ list. Even Devendra Fadnavis, the BJP’s strongman and his deputy chief minister, agrees. For once, the Shiv Sena factions, BJP, and Congress seem to share a rare moment of consensus — everyone wants the rolls scrubbed clean. The Supreme Court wants local elections held soon, but without SIR, that’s easier said than done. Rahul Gandhi too had accused the Commission of “creative counting” in Maharashtra’s last polls, so even Congress wants a clean slate this time. And here’s the delicious irony: in states where the ruling parties oppose SIR, the Election Commission insists on it; and where everyone’s begging for it — like Maharashtra — the Commission prefers to wait. In Indian politics, even cleaning a list isn’t clean business. Sonia’s New Shadow There’s a new “companion” in Sonia Gandhi itinerary — and it’s not a veteran loyalist but Ranjeet Ranjan, the spirited MP from Bihar and wife of maverick leader Pappu Yadav. Ever since Sonia moved to the Upper House, Ranjeet has been spotted walking her in and out of Parliament, prompting Congress watchers to label her the Congress matriarch’s new shadow. Ranjeet, a known tennis buff and articulate speaker, was picked to lead the party’s charge on the National Sports Governance Bill — a move that reportedly ruffled former minister Ajay Maken, who had drafted the original version before it was junked by his own government. But what’s puzzling insiders is Ranjeet’s sudden silence. For someone known for her fiery interventions, she’s been missing in the Opposition’s vote chori campaign and other political flash points. Meanwhile, her husband Pappu Yadav, is not a persona non grata now and even shares warm exchanges with Rahul. So, is Ranjeet keeping a safe parliamentary distance from her headline-making husband? No one’s saying. But in Delhi’s gossip corridors, everyone’s whispering: Sonia’s got a new shadow — and she plays doubles better than anyone expected. When Sonia Gandhi went to attend the funeral of the husband of senior party leader and her erstwhile shadow Ambika Soni, She was flanked by Ranjeeta. Tailpiece: Blame the Lokpal Act not the Judges The Lokpal of India is making news for all the wrong reasons. The anti-graft Ombudsman has been hauled over for floating a tender to procure seven luxury BMWs worth ₹70 lakh each. But a deeper look at the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act would reveal that it provided the same salary, allowances and service conditions as that of the Chief Justice of India and other judges. The CJI is allotted a Mercedes and other judges are currently given BMWs. But Lokpal is above all in perception and it failed to convict any corrupt high & mighty in five years. Even here many say the Act is so crafty that the Lokpal has become a toothless tiger.

41 low-margin seats to decide fate of Bihar polls NDA-MGB put their entire might on these seats Harish Gupta With campaigning in full swing now in Bihar, the NDA and Mahagathbandhan (MGB) are keeping a close watch on 40-odd seats that were decided by less than 3000 votes in 2020. The two rival groups have put their entire might behind winning these low margin seats which decided the fate of the government in 2020 as NDA walked away winning the majority of them. Of these 41 seats, the margin of victory was less than 1,000 in 11 seats. The NDA won 7 seats leaving only 4 for MGB. These 11 seats were Bhorey Dehri Bachhwara, Chakai, Matilhani, Barbigha,Hilsa, Kurhani, Bakhri, Ramgarh and Parbatta. Similarly, the margin of victory in 30 seats was between 1000-3000 votes and even here the NDA had won 19 leaving only 9 for MGB and 2 others. The battle was so fierce between the NDA and MGB in 2020 that the margin of votes between the two groups in Assembly seats was 12000 votes. The RJD had even emerged as the single largest party with 75 seats. But its partners could not perform. The NDA insiders say that the focus is on winning a minimum of 160 seats as the NDA had won in 174 segments in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. It had won 30 Lok Sabha seats out of 40. The BJP wants to win at least 36-37 low margin seats out of 41 low margin seats. The focus is also on 11 more seats where the margin of victory was between 3000-5000 votes. The BJP is creating the same fervor in Bihar as it had created in the state in 2024 during Lok Sabha polls. The MGB was ahead in 62 segments only (9 Lok sabha seats).

10 Crore Fake Beneficiaries Axed: A Clean-Up Raises Questions The Modi government may have been beating the drum of weeding out nearly 10 crore fake beneficiaries from welfare rolls, saving the exchequer about ₹4.3 lakh crore. It credited the JAM trinity—Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, and Mobile—for plugging leakages in schemes such as ration cards, LPG subsidies, and scholarships. The government said these “non-existent” names were routinely used under previous regimes to funnel money to middlemen. “Imagine theft of ₹4.3 lakh crore. That money is now being used for the development of the country.”The government has claimed this ahead of a fresh Aadhaar-based verification drive across central schemes including PM-Kisan, Ujjwala Yojna and PDS, to be completed by December 2025. Officials say the data will feed into the next Finance Commission cycle in April 2026, shaping how central funds are allocated to states. Ministries have also been asked to “tweak” eligibility criteria if verification reveals redundancy.Government figures highlight anomalies: in FY25, 2.2 crore ration cardholders did not collect free grains for up to a year, suggesting migration, reduced need, or ghost entries. Direct benefit transfers (DBT) have meanwhile ballooned from just over ₹7,000 crore in 2014 to ₹6.83 lakh crore in FY25, a rise the Centre attributes to digital reform.Yet the scale of savings is difficult to verify. Critics note the ₹4.3 lakh crore figure reflects notional leakages, not actual recoveries from fake beneficiaries, and warn genuine but inactive households could be excluded in the purge. States, which co-administer welfare schemes, may also resist tighter central control through Aadhaar-enabled payment systems. For the government, however, the narrative is clear: Modi has framed the exercise as proof of cleaning up systemic corruption, even as the politics of welfare delivery deepens in the run-up to 2025 &  2026 poll season.