Fly on the Wall Modi vs Rahul in Bihar — A Real National Face-off Bihar is all set to witness not just another state election but the first major political clash between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi after the 2024 Lok Sabha polls — a high-voltage battle that could shape the national mood. Unlike Maharashtra, Haryana or even Delhi, Bihar has become the ground where both Modi and Rahul have personally staked their reputations, knowing well that whatever happens here will ripple across India’s political landscape. Modi has already made nine visits to Bihar since January this year — addressing rallies, inaugurating projects, and virtually engaging with local groups. For him, Bihar is not just about votes but about reaffirming his connection with the Hindi heartland. He will address 12 rallies during polls. Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, seems unusually charged up — treating Bihar as a political laboratory to test his renewed activism. He has toured the state seven times, held long strategy sessions with state leaders, and even taken to the streets with a two-week Yatra opposing the special revision of the voters’ list. His “Vote Rights March” in Purnea and the subsequent Congress Working Committee meeting in Bihar underline his intent: Rahul wants to turn Bihar into his comeback arena. For both Modi and Rahul, Bihar isn’t just another election — it’s a test of narrative, stamina, and street power. The outcome may well set the tone for the next national political chapter. P Chidambaram sings, Karti gets relief Senior Congress leader and former Union Home Minister in the Manmohan Singh government, P. Chidambaram’s son Karti Chidambaram, who is also a Congress MP from Sivaganga, Tamil Nadu, has received major relief from the court. He has been accused in several cases, including the INX Media scam, and has even spent some time in jail. His passport had earlier been confiscated, and whenever he needed to travel abroad, he was required to seek prior permission from the court — submitting his travel details at least two weeks in advance. Now, the Delhi High Court has granted him a significant reprieve. The court has ended the condition requiring prior permission for foreign travel. This means Karti Chidambaram can now travel abroad without the court’s prior approval. While no one can question the court’s judgment, the timing of this relief to Karti Chidambaram is drawing attention. Questions are being raised about the role of investigating agencies, which did not oppose granting him this relaxation before the court. This relief has come at a time when his father, P. Chidambaram has started taking positions that appear uncomfortable for the Congress Party. In a recent statement, P. Chidambaram indirectly accused the Congress of succumbing to foreign pressure, saying that after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, India wanted to take action against Pakistan but did not do so under U.S. Pressure. The BJP had long been making this allegation, but now Chidambaram himself has confirmed it. Similarly, regarding the 1984 Operation Blue Star, Chidambaram remarked that it was a wrong decision, for which Indira Gandhi paid with her life. Observers believe that in the coming days, he may make more statements that could harm the Congress Party. Haryana’s Double Suicide: A Script Straight Out of a Crime Thriller What began as a suicide by a senior IPS officer in Haryana has now spiraled into one of the most baffling and sensational cases in recent memory — a story that reads like the script of a dark crime thriller. On October 7, IPS officer Parun Kumar allegedly shot himself in the head at his residence. He left behind an eight-page typed note titled “Final Note”, in which he accused nine senior IAS and IPS officers of corruption and sustained harassment. He claimed he was being cornered for refusing to participate in wrongdoing. Exactly eight days later, Assistant Sub-Inspector (ASI) Sandeep Lather also shot himself — in precisely the same manner. His four-page handwritten “Final Note” accused Varun Kumar, his IAS wife, and several other officials of corruption. Ironically, while the IPS officer had called himself honest and victimized, the ASI’s note portrayed him as complicit and corrupt. Adding to the mystery, no one reportedly heard the gunshots in either case. Both officers were found dead in circumstances that investigators describe as “highly unusual.” Puran Kumar was a Dalit, while Sandeep Lather belonged to an upper caste — a detail that has added a social dimension to an already tangled narrative. The police are now grappling with two deaths, two “Final Notes,” and a series of cross-allegations that could shake Haryana’s bureaucratic establishment. Bihar Polls Spark New Momentum for Maurya The BJP’s decision to appoint UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya as co-in-charge for the Bihar Assembly elections has triggered fresh political buzz. Many see the development as Maurya’s “promotion” arguing if the NDA performs well in Bihar, he will gain direct political mileage back home in UP. Significantly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had recently praised Maurya at a public event in Lucknow addressing him as “Mere Mitra' in the presence of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Soon after, Maurya was entrusted with Bihar responsibilities—a signal that has not gone unnoticed. However, many interpret it as a step towards Maurya’s entry into national politics. According to them, if he delivers in Bihar, the party leadership may induct him into the central organisation or deploy him in one of the five states going to polls in 2026. Yet, insiders insist his key role in Bihar is to consolidate the Koeri (Kushwaha) vote bank, which explains his assignment in Patna. For now, BJP circles are abuzz with speculation that the “historic injustice” of 2017 in UP might be redressed. Back then, Maurya was the state party chief and the face of the campaign that brought the non-Yadav OBC vote decisively to the BJP. The party now seeks to replicate that strategy in Bihar. The real question, however, remains: who stands to gain after victory—Koeri leader Samrat Choudhary in Bihar, or Keshav Prasad Maurya in Uttar Pradesh?

Fly on the Wall Harish Gupta  Modi Bends Protocol to Rebuild Bridge with Trump Prime Minister Narendra Modi is moving swiftly to repair strained ties with Washington, setting aside diplomatic niceties in his bid to reconnect with US President Donald Trump. The sudden arrival of US Ambassador-designate Sergio Gor in New Delhi — before presenting his credentials to President Droupadi Murmu — has raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles. Gor’s premature visit, reportedly aimed at firming up a possible Modi–Trump meeting in Kuala Lumpur later this month, breaks long-standing protocol. Ordinarily, a new envoy travels only after New Delhi formally clears Washington’s “agreement” and credentials are accepted by the President. Gor’s early touchdown signals an urgency on both sides to thaw relations that have soured over Trump’s tariff hike on Indian exports and punitive duties on Russian crude purchases. Gor’s early touchdown breaks that protocol. Gor, perhaps, came as a special envoy and not as Ambassador-designate. Gor, a 38-year-old close Trump aide and a key figure in the MAGA campaign, met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri before calling on Modi. The outreach follows Modi’s October 9 call congratulating Trump on the “success of the historic Gaza peace plan,” their second conversation in less than a month. With trade tensions still unresolved, both sides appear eager to reset the equation before it hardens into hostility considering the unpredictable Trump. In Washington and Delhi alike, protocol suddenly seems secondary — diplomacy, it appears, is now running on political instinct.  Cost of Proxy Rule Haryana’s corridors of power have a new reality: Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini may hold the title, but the reins remain firmly with powerful Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. From major appointments to sensitive files, nothing reportedly moves without Khattar’s nod — reducing Saini to a figurehead in his own government. That vacuum of authority turned glaring after the shocking suicide of IGP Y. Puran Kumar on October 7 night. The officer left behind an eight-page note alleging harassment by senior police officials, including DGP Shatrujeet Kapur. Yet, there was silence at the top. Sources say Saini waited for Khattar to decide the course of action — a hesitation that only deepened public anger. The tragedy soon snowballed. Kumar, a Scheduled Caste officer married to IAS officer Amneet Kaur, had powerful social and political backing. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) sought a report on “caste bias,” and Kaur publicly demanded the arrest of the DGP and Rohtak SP Narendra Bijarniya. As the issue gathered heat in the middle of an election season in Bihar, bureaucrats, ministers, and politicians across party lines called on the bereaved family. A 31-member “Shaheed Y. Puran Singh Nyaya Sangharsh Morcha” emerged to demand justice. It was only when the crisis threatened to spiral that action followed: the DGP, HARYANA & OTHERS WERE SHUNTED OUT, and the SC/ST Act was invoked with stringent sections slapped. Five days after the suicide, Saini finally spoke — promising justice “irrespective of position.” NOW THE OFFICER INVESTIGATING PURAN KUMAR FOR CORRUPTION, HAS COMMITTED SUICIDE COMPLICATING THE ISSUE.  However, in Haryana’s power structure, proxy rule had revealed its price — paralysis, delay, and silence. Rahul’s Hydrogen Bomb Goes for a Toss? It’s been nearly a month since Rahul Gandhi promised to drop his political “hydrogen bomb” — a revelation so explosive, he said, it would “end the game.” But so far, the Congress leader’s doomsday device has remained in the hangar, quietly ticking or perhaps quietly forgotten. Rahul’s earlier “atomic bomb” — a 22-page PowerPoint on alleged voter fraud in Karnataka’s Mahadevapura seat — had all the drama but little detonation. He claimed over a lakh votes were stolen, listed five ways it was done, and then… nothing. No protests, no court cases, no follow-up. The Congress, despite ruling Karnataka, managed to misplace both outrage and evidence. Now, the suspense shifts to his promised hydrogen version — supposedly far more devastating. The buzz is that Rahul’s next “exposé” could zero in on Varanasi, where Congress’s Ajay Rai insists he was winning until “vote theft” flipped the script for Prime Minister Modi. Others suggest Rahul is saving his payload for the Bihar polls, where he and Tejashwi Yadav have been crying foul over the voter list revision. But after the Supreme Court recently failed pleas alleging “vote chori” for lack of proof, the stage looks less like a launchpad and more like a crash site. Even Congress insiders are wary — they’ve seen too many fireworks fizzle into fog. This is the Congress’s chronic curse: loud claims, limp action. The party announces battles in the press but rarely fights them on the ground. Will Rahul’s hydrogen bomb finally go off — or will it join the long list of Congress’s dud detonations? For now, India watches, popcorn in hand, waiting to see if this bomb goes boom — or just puff. some changes  Tailpiece: Rahul Gandhi was missing in action once more. The Congress leader left India on September 27 for a tour of Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Chile — with no announced return date. The party said the visit is aimed at strengthening diplomatic and political ties. While the tour itself is legitimate, the optics are strikingly poor. Congress is in a bruising battle with the NDA in Bihar while Haryana is in turmoil following the suicide of a Dalit IGP. Yet Gandhi was focusing on global outreach for over a fortnight. His belated visit to Chandigarh failed to make any impact. his connect with domestic issues does not generate confidence and raises questions about the party’s ability to catch the bull by the horn.

Fly on the Wall When Malhotra Said ‘No’—and Slipped Into Oblivion Veteran BJP leader Vijay Kumar Malhotra, who passed away at 93, was among the last of the party’s founding stalwarts. A man with a mind of his own, he often refused to play by the script—and paid the political price. When Narendra Modi stormed to power in 2014, the BJP brass drew up a list of senior leaders to be accommodated as Governors. Modi was appreciative of Malhotra. The names included Kesri Nath Tripathi, Kailash Joshi, Balaram Das Tandon, Ram Naik—and V.K. Malhotra. Naik was tipped for Uttar Pradesh while Malhotra was offered Kerala. It seemed like a respectable elevation after Sheila Dikshit’s resignation as Kerala Governor at a press briefing at Kerala House in Delhi. But Malhotra quietly declined. His reason? He wanted to remain within striking distance of the capital—Uttar Pradesh, Punjab or Rajasthan would do, but not faraway Kerala. That single decision cost him dearly. Others on the list moved into Raj Bhavans. Malhotra, however, was left out in the cold. He was later accommodated as Chairman of the All India Council of Sports (AICS), an advisory body to the Sports Ministry—a respectable title, but a far cry from the power and visibility he once commanded. A contemporary of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani, Malhotra had been BJP’s face in Delhi for decades, a five-time MLA, MP, and party president in the capital. Yet his reluctance to move beyond his Delhi comfort zone became the turning point of his career. In the unforgiving world of politics, Malhotra’s story is a reminder: sometimes, saying “no” is the shortest road to oblivion. Bhagwat’s Subtle warning to Modi Govt. At the centenary celebration of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), chief Mohan Bhagwat delivered what sounded less like a routine address and more like a reality check for the ruling establishment. While he broadly endorsed the government’s policies and governance, his words carried a quiet rebuke — particularly on economic disparity and social disconnect. Bhagwat noted that while India dreams of becoming a “world leader,” the flaws of the global economic order are glaring. “Inequality is growing; economic power is concentrated in a few hands. The gap between rich and poor is widening,” he cautioned. His remarks came barely a day after the latest Hurun Rich List revealed that 1,687 Indians control wealth equal to half of India’s GDP — a statistic that underlines the very warning Bhagwat issued. Though couched in global terms, the message was unmistakably domestic. The RSS chief was telling the Modi government that ‘India’s rise’ cannot be on the shoulders of a privileged few, and that its economic model must reach the millions left behind. The veiled question: Will the government heed this counsel or continue to hand over national resources to its corporate favourites? Bhagwat also alluded to unrest in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal — tracing it to growing distance between rulers and the ruled. The implication was unmissable. Unless governance remains responsive and inclusive, even the most powerful regimes risk alienating their people. His comments can be read as a subtle nudge to the government to recalibrate its growth model and make it more inclusive. Minister’s Innovation Sermon Sparks Bureaucratic Ire Dr. Jitendra Singh, Minister of State in the PMO and Science and Technology, created ripples recently—not by announcing new initiatives, but by taking aim at India’s bureaucracy. Singh accused states of treating science departments as “dumping grounds” and said most IAS officers view such postings as punishment. “Innovation is not a priority,” he declared, squarely blaming civil servants for India’s poor innovation record. But what Singh intended as a wake-up call has been read within the bureaucracy as little more than finger-pointing. Senior officials privately argue that the minister’s words amount to lecturing, without acknowledging the elephant in the room—India’s woeful under-investment in R&D. At just 0.6–0.7% of GDP, a fraction of China (2.4%), the US (3.5%) and Israel (5.4%). “Innovation cannot be driven by sermons. Without funds, staff or mission-mode backing, how can states deliver?” one officer shot back. Officers also question why there are no special budgets, incentives, or institutional linkages to support science departments. With skeletal staff and outdated labs, they say, enthusiasm is naturally low. “Passing the buck won’t change ground realities,” another remarked. Policy experts caution that Singh’s outburst risks widening the trust gap between policymakers and implementers. “Innovation needs leadership from the top, not lectures at the bottom,” one analyst noted. For many in the system, Singh’s comments reflect a familiar pattern: when results falter, the instinct is to blame the bureaucracy rather than confront policy gaps. Tailpiece: Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma turned sentimental at the shraddhanjali for singer Zubeen Garg, posting a video of the late artist’s pet dogs taking a last look at him and musing, “Dogs are a man’s best friend — and if dogs love you, you are a great man.” Touching words indeed. But coming from Sarma, irony bites harder than the emotion. This is the same leader who once mocked Rahul Gandhi’s affection for his pet, Pidi, and even claimed he quit the Congress after being “insulted” with dog biscuits served on the same plate. Now the man who once sneered at canine loyalty has turned philosopher about it. In Sarma’s world, it seems greatness — like loyalty — depends on who’s wagging for which party.

Fly on the Wall The Rising Tide of Pre-Poll Cash Doles Union Home Minister Amit Shah is on record to say that the central government can't help the states which empty their treasuries after making unrealistic election promises. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman disapproved of political parties lining up promises of freebies ahead of elections in a TV program last month and said such recklessness in dealing with public finances is discouraged. However, the BJP is winning one election after the other riding on the back of Direct Cash Transfers into the accounts of women, youth and other targeted voters. It won Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi Assembly polls riding on these cash transfer doles. Come to Bihar as it heads into elections, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has opened the floodgates of welfare spending, targeting women and youth with schemes designed for votes. Nitish's doles will cost more than Rs 40000 crores a year, a whopping 66% of its resources. The other day, the Prime Minister transferred Rs 10000 each into the accounts of 75 lakh women totaling Rs 7500 crores on the spot under the self-help scheme. Eventually, more than 1.25 crore women could receive up to Rs 2 lakh each after assessment. It first began with the traditional farm loan waiver schemes in the 80s in “farm belt” states, or the promise of free rations under the public distribution system by late PM Indira Gandhi. In recent years, however, election eve in India has come to mean direct cash transfers, unemployment allowances, monthly stipends etc. Since 2014, nine states announced farm loan waivers totaling about Rs 2.53 lakh crore, but only about 50% of the 3.7 crore eligible farmers had actually benefited by March 2022. In Delhi, with about 71 lakh women voters among the 1.5 crore electorate, the BJP walked away by pledging Rs 2,500/month, plus other perks. These doles are expensive. A study showed among 21 state governments that announced waivers right before state polls, only 4 lost. Most reaped electoral gain. ED Probe Rekindles Rahul’s Citizenship? The debate over Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship has resurfaced, this time with the Enforcement Directorate (ED) entering the picture. The controversy is not new. Years ago, a petition was filed against Sonia Gandhi’s name being included in the voters’ list, alleging she was not an Indian citizen at the time. That petition was dismissed by the court. Rahul Gandhi’s case, however, remains pending before the Allahabad High Court. BJP worker Sanghnesh Mishra has alleged that Rahul holds British citizenship and has demanded that his Indian citizenship be revoked. The case took an unexpected turn when the ED summoned Mishra on September 9. This raised eyebrows and prompted speculation about whether the agency is now gathering evidence in the matter of Rahul’s citizenship. Officially, the ED has maintained that its inquiry relates to possible violations of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). According to Mishra, Rahul obtained British citizenship to facilitate business activities abroad. He has claimed to possess documents from London, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan that allegedly support his contention. The ED is said to be collecting information about Rahul’s overseas businesses, sources of income, and bank accounts. What exactly Mishra told the agency has not been disclosed. But the very fact that the ED has stepped in has given new momentum to a controversy that has lingered for years. It remains to be seen whether this inquiry will remain a financial probe or evolve into something much larger around Rahul Gandhi’s political identity. Tejashwi Charts "No Family" Course A silent but bitter feud is playing out within the RJD’s first family. After elder son Tej Pratap Yadav was sidelined from both party and household, now Lalu Prasad Yadav’s elder daughter-in-law Aishwarya Rai is visibly unhappy. At the heart of both episodes is one man—Sanjay Yadav, Tejaswi's chief strategist. Sanjay, a Haryana native, has become indispensable to Tejashwi. Insiders say he has designed a party structure where even Lalu’s authority is waning. In the RJD’s heydays, workers bowed before the “Panch Devta”—Lalu, Rabri, Tejashwi, Tej Pratap and Misa Bharti. Rohini Acharya is the new entrant in the game.  Today, the party functions under a new monotheism: Sanjay’s word, and by extension, Tejaswi's will. The strategy is clear. Only one member of the Yadav family will contest elections—Tejashwi himself. His Raghopur assembly seat remains his stronghold. When Tej Pratap resisted, he was denied even a meeting with his younger brother and shown the door. Aishwarya, who narrowly lost the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Saran, was being considered again by Lalu. But Sanjay vetoed it, arguing that too many family contestants would reinforce charges of dynasty. The hidden calculation: prevent any sibling or in-law from emerging as a potential challenger. There is also a contingency angle. Tejashwi faces corruption cases. If convicted, and if his siblings hold legislative office, one of them could automatically rise to leadership. By keeping all siblings out, Tejashwi ensures no rival centre of power develops. For the first time, Tejashwi is trying to chalk out his own course in the party—separate from his father’s patronage and family’s compulsions. He wants RJD to rally behind him alone, not around the wider clan. In doing so, he risks alienating siblings, but also secures undisputed command over the party’s future. tailpiece:  The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana was announced by Bihar CM Nitish Kumar. But when it came to launching, it was PM Modi who released Rs 7500 crores to 75 lakh women accounts. This is perhaps the first time that a welfare scheme in the name of a CM is released by a PM in his presence. The Bihar polls will be fought in the name of Mahila, Mandir and Modi - no mention of  Nitish Kumar by the BJP. Is a new script being written before the polls itself?   

Farooq Abdullah may go to RS, Ghulam Nabi hopes rest on BJP With Rajya Sabha elections for four seats in Jammu and Kashmir set to take place, the National Conference-led coalition is likely to field its senior-most leader Farooq Abdullah. The NC -led coalition is likely to win three seats easily and deliberations are on for picking up candidates for two other seats. In addition to Farooq Abdullah, one more candidate from the Kashmir Valley may be picked up while the third candidate could be from the Jammu region. Two former ministers from the Jammu region, Ajay Sadhotra and Sajad Ahmed Kichloo, as well as provincial president Jammu Rattan Lal Gupta, are hopeful of securing the party's mandate, per sources. The Congress is reported to have asked for one Rajya Sabha seat out of three seats as it is part of the alliance but not joined the Omar Abdullah Cabinet. It is yet to be seen if the Congress will be obliged by the National Conference. The BJP is eyeing one of the four Rajya Sabha seats as it has 28 MLAs and will need one additional vote to win. The BJP can bank on the support of two unattached Independents and one MLA each of the PDP, AAP and PC or manage cross-voting in the ruling alliance. It is to be seen if the BJP will oblige Ghulam Nabi Azad or pick up its own party's old loyalist. Since the election for four seats will take place in three tranches; one election for two RS seats together and for two seats in a staggered manner, there will be an interesting contest for the fourth seat.